Written by: Marianella Heredia and Luciana Vence.

It is widely recognized that social leaders, or any type of social advocate, face significant risks because of their work in Latin America. This reality is especially evident in the case of representatives of marginalized and minority groups, such as Indigenous communities, who defend the environment and resist the Western-driven development model often imposed upon society. These groups are disproportionately exposed to threats and violence due to their ideologies, practices, and convictions. A particularly powerful example is the case of Berta Cáceres in Honduras, whose struggle illustrates the deep interconnection between Indigenous leadership and environmental protection. Within this context, Indigenous leaders stand out as key defenders of nature and biodiversity in Latin America. To illustrate the scale of this violence, according to Mongabay (2023), Latin America accounts for most killings of environmental defenders in recent years; around 80–88% of global cases. In 2022 alone, 177 environmental defenders were killed worldwide, 155 of them in Latin America, representing 88% of the total assassinations. These alarming statistics confirm Latin America as one of the most dangerous regions for environmental activism. Despite this reality, governmental measures remain insufficient. Countless lives are reduced to numbers, while communities continue to live under constant fear. 

In this context, one emblematic figure is Berta Cáceres, who co-founded the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH) in 1993. Her activism centered on defending the rights of the Lenca people, especially their ancestral claims to land and rivers. In the Lenca community, women often serve as the spiritual and practical guardians of rivers and identity. Rivers like the Gualcarque are considered sacred and inhabited by female spirits in Lenca cosmology, making their protection a duty often shouldered by women (UN, 2016). Women’s organizations such as the “Asociación de Mujeres Intibucanas Renovadas” (AMIR) illustrate how Lenca women link agroecology, land recovery, and resistance to destructive projects with gender justice (GAGGA, 2024). Leaders like Berta Cáceres show how women embody both cultural continuity and frontline environmental defense in Lenca society (WILPF, 2021). 

Building on this vision of Indigenous and women-led resistance, Cáceres took a leading role in opposing the Agua Zarca hydroelectric dam, a project that threatened to displace Indigenous communities and devastate local ecosystems, specifically the Gualcarque River, sacred to the Lenca. Despite international recognition, including the Goldman Environmental Prize in 2015, she endured threats, criminalization, and harassment. 

Tragically, Cáceres was assassinated in her home in La Esperanza. Later investigations confirmed the involvement of employees of DESA, the company behind the dam, and ex-military officials. Her murder revealed how Indigenous women leaders face extreme risks for opposing projects that prioritize economic profit over human rights and the environment. In 2019, seven men, including hired hitmen and DESA associates, were sentenced to up to 50 years in prison for carrying out the attack (BBC News, 2019). In 2021, Roberto David Castillo, the former DESA director, was found guilty as the mastermind of the crime, and in 2022 he was sentenced to 22 years and 6 months in prison (AP News, 2022; NPR, 2021; The Guardian, 2022a, 2022b). Although these rulings represented a step toward justice, many of her supporters argue that broader corporate and political structures behind the project remain unpunished. 

Beyond the legal outcomes, her activism highlights the profound connection between Indigenous leadership and biodiversity conservation. Research has shown that territories managed by Indigenous peoples are often better preserved than those designated as state-protected areas (Vox, 2021). Cáceres’s struggle exemplifies how Indigenous leaders act as guardians of nature, opposing projects that prioritize economic gain at the expense of ecological balance. Despite the threats she faced, Berta Cáceres persisted in her activism until her assassination in 2016. Her death exposed the dangers Indigenous leaders face when confronting powerful economic and political interests, yet it also amplified her legacy on a global scale. Today, her story continues to inspire movements for environmental justice and Indigenous rights across Latin America and beyond. Ultimately, the legacy of Berta Cáceres demonstrates that the protection of Indigenous rights is inseparable from the preservation of nature. Her life and activism illustrate how Indigenous leadership safeguards not only cultural survival but also biodiversity, fauna, and flora; the essential foundations for all life on Earth. Importantly, the assassination of Berta Cáceres is not an isolated tragedy but part of a broader regional pattern in Latin America, where defending land, rivers, and forests often means risking one’s life. Similar to what happened in Honduras, Colombia faces an alarming wave of violence against environmental and social leaders. The country has become, in recent years, one of the deadliest places in the world for land and environmental defenders, with dozens of killings documented annually (Global Witness, 2024; Mongabay, 2023). 

Several structural factors explain these parallels between Honduras and Colombia. First, weak governance and corruption allow extractive projects to proceed without meaningful prior consultation with affected Indigenous and rural communities, undermining the protections enshrined in instruments like ILO Convention 169 and regional norms (Human Rights Watch, 2023). Second, the presence of armed actors, paramilitaries, criminal gangs, and, in some cases, state-linked security forces, creates an environment in which intimidation and violence are tools to secure territorial control for economic exploitation (Front Line Defenders, n.d.). Equally troubling, impunity is the third common thread. Even when perpetrators are arrested, investigations are slow and rarely reach those who financed or ordered the attacks, which perpetuates a climate of fear and discourages collective resistance. The limited accountability in Berta Cáceres’s case, where convictions reached some perpetrators, but questions remain about those who ordered her killing, mirrors complaints raised by Colombian communities after high-profile murders of local leaders (Human Rights Watch, 2023; Global Witness, 2024). 

Nevertheless, there are emerging legal and political responses that offer cautious hope. Colombia’s ratification and constitutional validation of the Escazú Agreement signal a regional commitment to strengthen public participation, access to information, and specific protections for environmental defenders, measures that, if implemented earnestly, could help reduce risk and increase accountability (United Nations Treaty Collection, 2018). 

Cáceres’s killing should be read both as a Honduran tragedy and as part of a transnational crisis: without systemic reforms (stronger protections, transparent regulatory processes, and effective judicial action), environmental defenders across Latin America, including Colombia, will remain exposed to deadly reprisals. Sadly, this case is a painful reminder of the risk that represents being an environmental advocate in Latin America. Her struggle symbolizes the courage of countless leaders who protect nature, human rights, and community dignity, often at the cost of their lives. Recognizing their work means understanding that environmental justice and social justice are deeply interconnected. Therefore, it becomes a necessity for governments to take action to guarantee the safety of these defenders. Implementing strategies such as strengthening investigation mechanisms and ensuring justice for both material and intellectual perpetrators are fundamental to ending impunity and to building societies where protecting nature is not just tolerated, but valued and respected. At the same time, we cannot forget how change also relies on collective action. Citizens, organizations, and international institutions need to amplify the voices of the affected communities, support Indigenous and environmental movements, and demand transparency from the market that grows from exploiting natural resources. Defending environmental leaders is defending our planet and its future.

References 

BBC News. (2019, December 3). Berta Cáceres: Seven convicted of murdering Honduran environmentalist. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-50645215 

Front Line Defenders. (n.d.). Colombia — country page. https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/location/colombia 

GAGGA (Global Alliance for Green and Gender Action). (2024). Gender just climate solution: Lenca women reclaiming their land through agroecology in Honduras. https://gaggaalliance.org/resource/gender-just-climate-solution-lenca-women-reclaiming-their-land-through-agroecology-in-honduras/ 

Global Witness. (2024). Standing firm: The land and environmental defenders on the frontlines of the climate crisis. https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/standing-firm/ 

Human Rights Watch. (2023). World Report 2023: Colombia. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2023/country-chapters/colombia 

Mongabay. (2023, May 5). Latin America had the most attacks on environmental defenders in 2022, says report. https://news.mongabay.com/2023/05/latin-america-had-the-most-attacks-on-environmental-defenders-in-2022-says-report/ 

United Nations Human Rights Council. (2016). Report of the Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples on her visit to Honduras (A/HRC/33/42/Add.2). United Nations Digital Library. https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/847080 

United Nations Treaty Collection. (2018). Regional Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation and Justice in Environmental Matters in Latin America and the Caribbean (Escazú Agreement). Regional Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation and Justice in Environmental Matters in Latin America and the. 

The Guardian. (2022, June 20). Honduras: Man who planned Berta Cáceres’s murder jailed for 22 years. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jun/20/honduras-man-who-planned-berta-caceress-jailed-for-22-years 

Vox (2021, June 11). Indigenous people are the world’s biggest conversationists, but they rarely get credit for it. https://www.vox.com/22518592/indigenous-people-conserve-nature-icca 

Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). (2021, April 27). Women human rights defenders should stay strong. https://www.wilpf.org/women-human-rights-defenders-should-stay-strong/

Written by: Maria Torres and Juan Pablo Ballestas

Environmental policies in Colombia often reproduce social and economic inequalities, despite being presented as sustainable solutions that benefit everyone. Frequently, these measures favor the elites, while excluding or negatively affecting ethnic communities, such as Indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples. 
In Colombia, the implementation of these environmental strategies has been characterized by an apparent contradiction between the protection of resources and dominant economic interests. In many cases, legislation and control mechanisms have facilitated the access of private and foreign companies to land and resources, displacing ancestral communities and limiting their access to environmental goods (Vélez-Torres, 2014; Benites, 2022; Cárdenas, 2012). 

There are important cases that reflect the effects of this situation in the country, and one of the most emblematic has been that of the Afro-descendant leaders of La Toma (Cauca), who fought against exclusion and territorial dispossession caused by mining concessions and state control policies, facing violence and criminalization (Vélez-Torres, 2014; Vélez-Torres & Vanegas, 2022). The case took place between 2009 and 2015, when their territory was threatened by mining concessions that the state granted to foreign and private companies without prior consultation with the community that lived there. This is an example of how institutions ignore the right of these communities to their territory and to prior consultation, prioritizing economic and private agreements that benefit those who have control without taking into account those who end up directly affected. Led by representative figures of the community such as Francia Márquez (whose spectacular rise to prominence would see her become the Colombian vice-president in 2022), they organized marches, legal actions and showed resistance to defend their ancestral lands. Their mobilization resulted in ruling T-1045 of 2010 of the Constitutional Court, which ordered the suspension of these mining titles and recognized their collective property rights. 

This specific case had a “happy ending”; however, it must be taken into account that the reality of Colombia is harsh. Despite this legal victory, the leaders have continued to face violence, stigmatization, and forced displacement for protecting their territory (Vélez-Torres, 2014; Vélez-Torres & Vanegas, 2022). Ecological regulations in Colombia are not usually neutral but rather reflect a structural pattern of inequality and aggression against those who defend nature. Social and environmental leaders play a key role in the defense of their territories and face risks and violence for challenging the interests of the elites. Ethnic representatives and environmental defenders who oppose extractive projects or who criticize state policies often become targets of threats, stigmatization, and attacks. These are not just isolated events but a systemic phenomenon in which defending natural goods and resources implies putting the life and security of communities at risk. 

The case of the Afro-descendant leaders of La Toma shows how the struggle against mining concessions has generated harassment and criminalization. Similarly, indigenous leaders in the Amazon have faced violence when proposing models of governance and questioning state conservation programs such as the REDD+ (Reduction of Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) projects implemented in Colombia. Although these programs are presented as an alternative to fight against climate change, they have been criticized for imposing conservation models that limit real participation of the communities and restrict their traditional practices of territorial management. These cases reveal how the struggle for environmental justice in Colombia is directly linked to the defense of human rights and the survival of ethnic peoples. The persistence of these aggressions against leaders demonstrates how economic interests are prioritized over the protection of communities and the preservation of nature. 

Colombia is known for being an impressively biodiverse country, and Colombians are rightfully proud of this fact. However, double standards appear when it comes to protecting the rights of nature and recognizing the role and leadership of the ethnic groups that do so much to preserve this beloved cultural wealth. Colombia needs to protect those who protect life; it is necessary to demand stronger protection mechanisms for social and environmental leaders, as well as the inclusion of ethnic communities in the design of environmental policies. Universities, NGOs, and citizens must amplify the voices of these leaders, creating awareness campaigns that pressure the government to act. The call is not only to protect the Colombian environment and the leaders who defend it but also to question who builds the green future of the country. Should policies continue to benefit some and exclude others, sustainability will remain a privilege and not a right. 

References 

Vélez‐Torres, I. (2014). Governmental extractivism in Colombia: Legislation, securitization and the local settings of mining control. *Political Geography*, 38, 68-78. https://doi.org/10.1016/J.POLGEO.2013.11.008 

Benites, G. (2022). Natures of concern: The criminalization of artisanal and small-scale mining in Colombia and Peru. *The Extractive Industries and Society*. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2022.101105 

Cárdenas, R. (2012). Green multiculturalism: articulations of ethnic and environmental politics in a Colombian ‘black community’. *The Journal of Peasant Studies*, 39, 309 – 333. https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2012.665892 

Torres, C., & Verschoor, G. (2020). Re-imagining environmental governance: Gold dredge mining vs Territorial Health in the Colombian Amazon. *Geoforum; Journal of Physical, Human, and Regional Geosciences*, 117, 124 – 133. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2020.09.013 

Vélez‐Torres, I., & Vanegas, D. (2022). Contentious environmental governance in polluted gold mining geographies: The case of La Toma, Colombia. *World Development*. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2022.105953 

Global Witness. (2021). Last line of defence: The industries causing the climate crisis and attacks against land and environmental defenders. Global Witness. https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/last-line-defence/ 

Human Rights Watch. (2021). World report 2021: Colombia. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2021/country-chapters/colombia 

Andoke Andoke L, Arazi E, Castro Suárez H, Griffiths TF, Gutiérrez Sánchez E. Amazonian visions of Visión Amazonía: Indigenous Peoples’ perspectives on a forest conservation and climate programme in the Colombian Amazon.  

Written by Carlos Acevedo, Mariana Arango, Maria Antonia Cormane & Alexandra Rosales.

In Colombia there are regions marked by violence, corruption, and state abandonment, and the role of journalists often transcends traditional reporting. Just like social leaders, they take center stage in the protection of human rights, environmental conservation, and exposing systems of corruption. These journalist-social leaders have emerged in violence-torn areas neglected by the government and infested with illegal armed groups. Their work has been essential in exposing the nexus of organized crime and questionable politics, which is afflicted by deep-rooted corruption. In this article, the cases of Rafael Moreno and Clodomiro Castilla, two journalists murdered in Córdoba for their investigations into corruption and organized crime, exemplify the role of journalists as social leaders in Colombia and highlight the profound impact their work has in defending democratic values in hostile environments. Their stories reflect both the power of independent journalism and the urgent need for effective protection and justice mechanisms. 

Clodomiro Castilla was born and raised in the department of Córdoba, a region in Colombia’s Caribbean region full of natural resources and extensive landmarks. But on the other hand, it is a region marked by political violence, paramilitarism, and entrenched corruption. From a young age, Clodomiro saw journalism as a tool for denouncing abuses and driving social change. He served as editor of the regional newspaper El Pulso del Tiempo and contributed to various national outlets. His sharp critical lens, editorial independence, and fearlessness made him a thorn in the side of powerful interests. 

During the 2000s, Castilla gained national recognition for his investigations into the infiltration of paramilitary groups in politics, especially during the high point of the “parapolitics” scandal, which revealed collusion between paramilitary commanders and elected officials. He exposed the connections between ex-paramilitary chief Salvatore Mancuso and several politicians from Córdoba, including governors and mayors. Castilla also reported on land dispossession, violence against social leaders, and systemic corruption in public institutions as well as daily discussing controversial topics that ultimately served as a bridge for all citizens to acquire information, making him a social leader in the process. Although he received constant death threats, he remained steadfast in his reporting. At one point, he was granted protection by the state, but it was inconsistently supplied and eventually withdrawn. 

On the night of March 19th, 2010, Clodomiro was shot dead outside his home in Montería while resting in his front yard. Two gunmen approached him and opened fire at close range. His murder sent shockwaves through Colombia’s journalistic community and served as a grim reminder of the risks faced by those who challenge the nexus of criminal power and politics. To this day, his murder remains unsolved, and progress in the case has been non-existent behind closed doors at the prosecutor’s office. 

Another important journalist that shaped Córdoba´s history is Rafael Moreno, who was a grassroots journalist and community advocate from the municipality of Montelíbano, in the south of Córdoba. Although he did not come from traditional media outlets, with time and effort he built his voice through alternative and citizen journalism. He founded “Voces de Córdoba”, a digital platform where he publishes investigations, community reports, and made public denunciations, becoming a crucial local figure in the fight against corruption. His reporting had a tangible impact. He gave a voice to voiceless, empowered citizens to speak out, and hekped organize community efforts to demand transparency. In doing so, he became more than a journalist, he became a social leader.

Despite receiving repeated death threats by different groups, Moreno’s requests for protection were met with institutional apathy and bureaucratic delays. On October 16th, 2022, he was murdered in broad daylight in his hometown. His killing sent a chilling message to independent journalists across the country and dealt a blow to the already fragile press freedom in Colombia’s peripheries. It also demonstrated that little had changed in the department and throughout Colombia in terms of journalists being able to carry out their work without having to fear for their lives. 

The cases of Clodomiro Castilla and Rafael Moreno demonstrate the critical role that journalist social leaders play in the defense of democratic principles, human rights, and public accountability in Colombia, particularly in regions historically affected by violence, corruption, and state abandonment. Both journalists engaged in investigative reporting that went beyond the scope of traditional media coverage, revealing structural issues such as political manipulation, links between elected officials and illegal armed groups, land dispossession, and environmental degradation caused by illegal economic activities. Their work provided visibility to the grievances of marginalized communities and contributed to the documentation of abuses often ignored by national institutions. 

The context in which these journalists operated was marked by systemic impunity, limited institutional protection, and the presence of organized criminal structures that exert influence over political and economic life. Despite repeated threats to their lives, both Castilla and Moreno continued to pursue their work, underscoring the commitment and risks faced by journalists in Colombia’s conflict-affected territories. Their deaths are emblematic of a broader pattern of violence against the press in the country, where journalists who challenge power are frequently met with threats, intimidation, and assassination, often without consequences for the perpetrators. 

Furthermore, the legacy of Castilla and Moreno highlights the intersection between journalism and social leadership. Their investigative work not only exposed wrongdoings but also inspired civic participation and demanded institutional accountability. While journalists may not receive more protection than social leaders, they are often granted specific measures such as bodyguards, bulletproof vests, armored vehicles, or relocation assistance tailored to the nature of the threats they face, and their cases often receive heightened visibility at the national and international levels to the point where national and international organizations have cited their cases as examples of the dangers facing reporters in high-risk zones and as reminders of the urgent need to enforce protection mechanisms and justice processes.

In summary, the stories of Clodomiro Castilla and Rafael Moreno reflect the deeper struggles within Colombian society regarding freedom of expression, the protection of civil society actors, and the consolidation of a democratic system capable of safeguarding those who seek to expose the truth. In Córdoba, Colombia, figures like these have emerged not only as reporters but also as social leaders. They used their voices to advocate for the public good, defend human rights, and push back against an established order. Their courageous efforts placed them at the heart of social movements, where revealing the truth can come with life-threatening risks. Their contributions remain a point of reference in ongoing discussions about press freedom, transitional justice, and the role of independent media in conflict and post-conflict contexts. Castilla and Moreno are just two of the multitude of cases in Colombia where lives have been taken simply for speaking out—a fundamental right enshrined in our constitution. 

References:  

International Service for Human Rights. (2025). International Service for Human Rights. https://ishr.ch/   

Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa. (2020, July 4). El Estado ante la violencia contra la prensa. https://flip.org.co/publicaciones/otras-publicaciones?item=el-estado-ante-la-violencia-contra-la-prensa  

Fundación Paz & Reconciliación. (2020, February 12). Some insights into the murder of Clodomiro Castilla. https://www.pares.com.co/post/algunas-luces-sobre-el-asesinato-de-clodomiro-castilla  

Duque, C. J. (2010, April 8). Clodomiro Castilla: A crime at the heart of democratic security. Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo. https://www.colectivodeabogados.org/clodomiro-castilla-un-crimen-en-las-entranas-de-la-seguridad-democratica/  

Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa. (2017, May 17). Clodomiro Segundo Castilla Ospina. https://flip.org.co/pronunciamientos/clodomiro-segundo-castilla-ospina 

Committee to Protect Journalists. (n.d.). Rafael Emiro Moreno Garavito. https://cpj.org/data/people/rafael-emiro-moreno-garavito/ 

Duque, C. J. (2022, September 19). Rafael Moreno: La sombra de las elecciones regionales en Córdoba. Universidad de Bogotá Jorge Tadeo Lozano. https://www.utadeo.edu.co/es/articulo/crossmedialab/277626/rafael-moreno-la-sombra-de-las-elecciones-regionales-en-cordoba