Laws on Paper, Struggles in Practice: Environmental Social Leaders in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 

Written by: María Alejandra Bolivar and Sara Cortés

In recent years, Colombia has made significant efforts to recognize the rights of Indigenous Peoples and to protect their ecosystems and territories. Legal documents, such as the 1991 Constitution, the Ethnic Chapter of the 2016 Peace Agreement and the decisions of the Constitutional Court, affirm the autonomy of Indigenous Communities and their role as environmental protectors. Consequently, the State guarantees by law Indigenous and environmental rights. However, in reality, this legal framework lacks enforcement. Despite this legal protection, in Colombia leaders are persecuted and targeted for denouncing violations of their rights. This text focuses on the contradiction between law and practice, and it will be principally concerned with the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta region, since it is home to indigenous groups such as Kankuamo, Wiwa, Arhuacos, and Kogui. These communities suffer not only environmental challenges such as climate change, but they are also victims of armed conflicts, facing threats and violence for defending their territories. With these risks faced by environmental and indigenous leaders, biodiversity is constantly at stake because of the prioritization of extractive interests and historical marginalization. 

The Political Constitution of Colombia (1991) establishes in Article 7 that the State recognizes and protects ethnic and cultural diversity. At the same time, Article 79 settles the right to a healthy environment; thus, the law guarantees the participation of communities in the decisions that affect them. In addition, Article 246 authorizes a special jurisdiction within their territory aligned with their own norms and procedures if they do not counter the Constitution and ordinary laws. Furthermore, Article 330 elaborates further on the previous idea; Indigenous territories should be governed by a council formed by the communities’ traditions and have functions such as: promoting public investment in their territories, receiving and distributing economic resources, defending the preservation of natural resources, among others. Likewise, Auto 004/09 of the Constitutional Court (n. d.) established widely the fundamental protections of the displaced indigenous peoples as victims of the armed conflict according to court ruling T-025/04. In this document, the high court describes the current situation of each community in the Sierra Nevada, documenting and detailing the multiple violations and crimes against its members and leaders to set a judicial record.  

The Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta is considered the heart of the world by the Indigenous communities that live there. The Indigenous Arhuaco, Kankuamo, Kogui and Wiwa protect the environment based on their worldviews and ancestral beliefs about maintaining a balance between humans and nature. As ProColombia (s. f.) recalls, UNESCO declared it a Biosphere Reserve and World Heritage Site in 1979, given the network of amazing ecosystems that host countless life forms and are home to several Indigenous communities. Despite the importance of the Sierra and their efforts to defend the area, it is directly affected by challenges such as violence and mining. Scott Campbell (2025), representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Colombia, considers that “the risk of physical and cultural extinction of the Indigenous Peoples of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta is real. It is a tragedy we can and must prevent”. This statement is based on the violence caused by non-state armed groups; these attacks affect their lands, their routines, their culture, and their lives. Unfortunately, according to the UN Human Rights Office since 2022, violence in the Sierra Nevada has increased.  

Another threat to the Sierra Nevada’s communities is the “development projects” which international entities impose, often without the consent of indigenous groups. Currently, there are 251 mining concessions, along with agriculture, urban sprawl, infrastructure, and hydroelectric projects, that not only risk the autonomy of these communities as a constitutional right but also disrespect essential legal procedures such as prior consultation (AIDA, n. d). This is evidence of the purposeful and systematic omission of prior consultation established by ILO Convention 169 and Colombian Law. Paradoxically, a paragraph of Article 330 of the Constitution submits that the exploitation of natural resources in indigenous territories should be without prejudice to the cultural, social and economic integrity of indigenous communities, and that in the decisions adopted regarding those resources, the Government will ensure the participation of the representatives of the respective communities. Once more, it reflects a legal framework which, while robust on paper, that fails in practice to prevent the violation of Indigenous rights and the degradation of sacred ecosystems.  

Furthermore, the consistent violence against social and environmental Indigenous leaders in the Sierra Nevada intensifies the ecological deterioration. When threats and assassinations force community leaders to abandon their ancestral territories, local systems of environmental protection and traditional stewardship collapse, leaving ecosystems vulnerable to illegal exploitation. The power vacuum and the absence of these local defenders create the perfect conditions to expand extractive and criminal activities, accelerating deforestation, contaminating water sources, and weakening the region’s ecological resilience. These factors highlight the vital work completed by indigenous and social leaders in defending nature and natural resources; this thin line faces terrible threats in response. 

This area faces issues and the people that denounce the situation often bvecome victims of the broader pattern of violence against social leaders in Colombia. Citizens that actively defend human rights are part of a scene full of risks in accordance with Indepaz as cited in Infobae (2024). Two specific examples from the recent history in the region are the cases of Wilfrido Segundo Izquierdo Arroyo and Daniel Nolavita. Izquierdo Arroyo was an engineering student who was part of the Arhuaco community. He was also a member of the Asociación de Estudiantes Indigenas at the Universidad del Magdalena. Wilfredo had the aim of using his engineering knowledge to complement and promote sustainable development projects in the Sierra Nevada. However, he was shot dead on the streets of Santa Marta during 2024. Likewise, the murder of Daniel Nolavita, a traditional authority of the Kogui community in the Sierra Nevada, stands as another alarming example of the systemic violence Indigenous leaders face in the fight for their land rights. In September 2024, Nolavita was abducted with his wife from their home in the Vereda Cherua, Ciénaga. After a month of searching, his body was found by a member of the community. This event happened shortly after his active participation in the peaceful protest in Santa Marta where Indigenous communities demanded respect and protection from the government. Different organizations such as the UN and the “Plataforma de Defensores de Derechos Humanos, Ambientales y Liderazgos de la Sierra Nevada” manifested their concern and called for immediate action from the authorities. Even though it has not been clarified who was responsible for this crime, the investigation has accused armed groups with presence in the zone such as the Autodefensas Conquistadoras de Sierra Nevada, and the Ejercito Gaitanista de Colombia, also known as the Clan del Golfo.  According to Indepaz, this death is one of 140 social leaders’ assassinations registered in 2024.  

Thus, even though Colombia has a solid legal framework guaranteeing the rights and protection of Indigenous Peoples and their leaders, the limited visibility and attention to their struggles hinder the effective implementation of these laws. It is urgent to raise awareness about the need to protect Indigenous peoples, respect the existing legal framework and assure their enforcement. The lack of diffusion is directly related to the impunity of these crimes. For instance, while writing this article, information about social leaders on the Caribbean Coast was hard to find, and there are fewer reports about Environmental Social Leaders. Only some articles reporting their deaths were found, but identifying more details or previous information about their work and initiatives was difficult. To reduce the vulnerability of native communities, it is crucial to understand the particular struggles they face, create easy access to governmental mechanisms, and enforce their communication tools or platforms.  

References 

AIDA (n. d.). Preserving the legacy of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Heart of the World. Recovered in 2025 from: https://aida-americas.org/en/preserving-legacy-sierra-nevada-de-santa-marta-heart-world 

Corte Constitucional (n. d.).  Auto 004/09. Recovered in 2025 from: https://www.corteconstitucional.gov.co/relatoria/autos/2009/a004-09.htm 

El Espectador. (10 de octubre 2024). Encontraron muerto al líder kogui Daniel Nolavita, tras un mes desaparecido. Revista El Espectador. Recovered in 2025 from: https://www.elespectador.com/colombia/mas-regiones/encontraron-muerto-al-lider-kogui-daniel-nolavita-tras-un-mes-desaparecido/  

Función Pública (n. d.). Constitución Política 1 de 1991 Asamblea Nacional Constituyente. Recovered in 2025 from: https://www.funcionpublica.gov.co/eva/gestornormativo/norma.php?i=4125 

Medina, L. (2024). Asesinaron a líder y universitario arhuaco en Santa Marta: organizaciones indígenas exigen justicia. Infobae. Recovered in 2025 from: https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2024/08/11/asesinaron-a-lider-y-universitario-arhuaco-en-santa-marta-organizaciones-indigenas-exigen-justicia/ 

ProColombia. (s. f.). Descubre las características de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. Blog ProColombia. Recovered in 2025 from: https://colombia.travel/es/blog/sierra-nevada-de-santa-marta-tierra-de-nieve-e-indigenas 

United Nations (2025). ONU Derechos Humanos llama a prevenir la extinción física y cultural de los Pueblos Indígenas de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta garantizando sus derechos: colectivos e individuales. United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner. Recovered in 2025 from: https://www.hchr.org.co/historias_destacadas/onu-derechos-humanos-llama-a-prevenir-la-extincion-fisica-y-cultural-de-los-pueblos-indigenas-de-la-sierra-nevada-de-santa-marta-garantizando-sus-derechos-colectivos-e-individuales/

The Price of Peace: Colombia’s Social Leaders in the Shadow of the 2016 Accord

Written By: Natalia Sofia Castañeda and Andrea López Ramirez

The 2016 Final Peace Agreement in Colombia marked a milestone in the history of a country that has been submerged in violence for decades.  One of the most victmized groups throughout the conflict are the indigenous communities due to the illegal activities executed by the armed groups in their lands. According to data from Observatorio de Memoria y Conflicto (as cited in Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica, 2020), between 1958 and 2019, 5,011 indigenous people were fatal victims of the conflict, including 736 social leaders and indigenous authorities. As a consequence of the profound impact of the armed conflict, there were multiple attempts at peace processes, but the one that succeeded was under the government of Juan Manuel Santos, signed on November 24 of 2016 in Havana, Cuba, including the establishment of a truth commission and a transitional justice system (Justice for Colombia, n.d). Although the Colombian government and the FARC-EP (the largest guerrilla group of the country), signed the Final Peace Agreement (FPA), reducing large-scale conflicts in doing so, new forms of violence have since emerged led by localized criminal groups (frequently formed by, or associated with, members of right-wing paramilitary groups) and ex-members of demobilized FARC soldiers who chose not to sign the Agreement, also known as disidencias.  To understand this pattern of violence, it is essential to examine highly affected regions such as the department of Chocó.  

The region of Chocó is one of the most affected parts of the country, experiencing decades of violence. According to the Comisión de la Verdad (2022), Chocó has faced historical confrontation between guerrillas, paramilitaries and other groups aiming at having full control of the zone and its illegal economies. The reason why this region is so tempting for the armed groups is because of its strategic location with access to the sea, shared border with Panamá, bountiful natural resources and its limited state presence, including the fact that most of the population is Afro-Colombian or Indigenous, historical marginalized groups. In concordance to the Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica (2020), the indigenous communities of the pacific region have been hugely affected as victims of this war, especially in the departments of Nariño, Cauca and Chocó, with 1,922 victims. 

In this regard, to illustrate the severity of the violence in the region, this article will describe the case of Efrén Antonio Bailarín Carupia, an Indigenous leader of the Embera community in Quibdó, who was one such victim of the persistent pattern of violence against social leaders in Colombia. Bailarín Carupia was the ex-governor of the Chidima Tolo resguardo  in Acandí, Chocó; he was also an active member of the Indigenous Guard, an unarmed collective which seeks to protect the rights of indigenous communities and their lands. On September 16th of 2021, Efrén Antonio was killed while fishing by alleged illegal armed groups that operate in the region. Remembered for his leadership, the Akaruba organization declared that Efrén Antonio devoted his life to the defense of the rights of the Embera community, the Tolo river and the ancestral territory of the Darién region (Infobae, 2021). 

The Embera community has maintained a firm stance of resistance against the threat of armed groups in the region that violate their autonomy. As stated by Akubadaura (as cited in Infobae, 2021), the Embera community is one of the most affected because they have consistently opposed the dispossession of its territory, the planting of illicit crops, and the recruitment of its children by any armed group; hence, the community has suffered greatly from violent acts and forced displacement. They have also demanded real guarantees from the government for the protection of their social leaders and their territory. The murder of Efrén Antonio Bailarín Carupia is clear evidence of the worryingly situation of insecurity faced by Indigenous Peoples in Colombia. 

The murder of Efrén Antonio Bailarín Carupia fits in with the alarming pattern of systematic violence against social leaders in Colombia. In fact, those who defend the rights of Indigenous and Afro-descendant communities are particularly vulnerable. As is explained in a report by the Observatorio de Derechos Humanos (as cited in Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia, 2021), between 2018 and 2021, violations of human rights in Chocó had an increase of 0.07%, with 19,334 Indigenous people faced with a state of confinement, 12,486 were displaced, 42 Leaders and Authorities were threatened, 35 minors were recruited, and 14 leaders were murdered, among others.  

As a former governor of the Chidima Toló resguardo and an active member of the Indigenous Guard, Efrén Antonio Bailarín Carupia was an important figure in the defense of ancestral territories and community autonomy. His assassination highlights the ongoing threats faced by leaders in regions that have been historically neglected by the state. As González warns (2021), despite the signing of the 2016 Peace Agreement, the presence of dissident groups and criminal organizations persists. If the Colombian government fails to guarantee security, the country risks a dangerous regression into new cycles and forms of violence. The protection of social leaders is essential for the sustainability of peace and democracy in Colombia.  

Hence, it is evident the urgency for the Colombian government to take action and start acting systematically to stop the violence faced by the social leaders in the country, especially those who defend the rights of ethnic groups. There are no excuses for State abandonment, even more pressing after a Peace Agreement was signed. However, this issue continues to persist in many areas of the country. The homicide of Efrén Antonio Bailarín Carupia cannot be part of just another statistic; it must be a turning point that promotes effective protection policies, a real institutional presence in historically forgotten territories, and guarantees for the free exercise of the defense of human rights. Peace is not built just with agreements, but with commitment and concrete actions that protect the life, the dignity and the autonomy of those who fight to make it possible and those who defend marginalized, forgotten and excluded people.  

References: 

Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. (2020, August 14). Pueblos indígenas, víctimas de violencias de larga duración. https://centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/pueblos-indigenas-victimas-de-violencias-de-larga-duracion/ 

Comisión de la Verdad. (2022, November 25). Quibdó no se rinde en su lucha por la paz. https://web.comisiondelaverdad.co/actualidad/noticias/quibdo-no-se-rinde-en-su-lucha-por-la-paz 

Gonzáles, C. (2021).  Colombia a cinco años del acuerdo: ¿Transición a la paz o reacomodo de las violencias mafiosas o totalitarias? Indepaz. https://indepaz.org.co/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/Colombia-a-cinco-an%CC%83os-del-acuerdo-Transicio%CC%81n-a-la-paz-o-reacomodo-de-violencias-mafiosas-y-totalitarias.pdf 

Infobae. (2021, September 16). Denuncian asesinato del exgobernador indígena Efrén Antonio Bailarín Carupia. https://www.infobae.com/america/colombia/2021/09/17/denuncian-asesinato-del-exgobernador-indigena-efren-antonio-bailarin-carupia/ 

Justice for Colombia. (n.d.). Colombian armed conflict. https://justiceforcolombia-org.translate.goog/about-colombia/colombia-in-detail/?_x_tr_sl=en&_x_tr_tl=es&_x_tr_hl=es&_x_tr_pto=tc#Armed%20Conflict 

Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia. (2021, September 17). Desde la Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia – ONIC, repudiamos el asesinato de Efrén Antonio Bailarín Carupia, exgobernador y guardia indígena del resguardo Chidima Toló del pueblo Embera Eyábida en Acandí, Chocó. https://www.onic.org.co/noticias/70-destacadas/4372-desde-la-organizacion-nacional-indigena-de-colombia-onic-repudiamos-el-asesinato-de-efren-antonio-bailarin-carupia-ex-gobernador-y-guardia-indigena-del-resguardo-chidima-tolo-del-pueblo-embera-eyabida-en-acandi-choco 

Women’s Peace and Humanitarian Fund. (n.d). Definiciones de «proceso de paz», «vía 1» y «vía 2», y «implementación de un acuerdo de paz». https://wphfund.org/es/definiciones-de-proceso-de-paz-via-1-y-via-2-y-implementacion-de-un-acuerdo-de-paz/ 

Who Owns the Green Future? Inequality, Ethnic Communities, and Environmental Policies in Colombia 

Written by: Maria Torres and Juan Pablo Ballestas

Environmental policies in Colombia often reproduce social and economic inequalities, despite being presented as sustainable solutions that benefit everyone. Frequently, these measures favor the elites, while excluding or negatively affecting ethnic communities, such as Indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples. 
In Colombia, the implementation of these environmental strategies has been characterized by an apparent contradiction between the protection of resources and dominant economic interests. In many cases, legislation and control mechanisms have facilitated the access of private and foreign companies to land and resources, displacing ancestral communities and limiting their access to environmental goods (Vélez-Torres, 2014; Benites, 2022; Cárdenas, 2012). 

There are important cases that reflect the effects of this situation in the country, and one of the most emblematic has been that of the Afro-descendant leaders of La Toma (Cauca), who fought against exclusion and territorial dispossession caused by mining concessions and state control policies, facing violence and criminalization (Vélez-Torres, 2014; Vélez-Torres & Vanegas, 2022). The case took place between 2009 and 2015, when their territory was threatened by mining concessions that the state granted to foreign and private companies without prior consultation with the community that lived there. This is an example of how institutions ignore the right of these communities to their territory and to prior consultation, prioritizing economic and private agreements that benefit those who have control without taking into account those who end up directly affected. Led by representative figures of the community such as Francia Márquez (whose spectacular rise to prominence would see her become the Colombian vice-president in 2022), they organized marches, legal actions and showed resistance to defend their ancestral lands. Their mobilization resulted in ruling T-1045 of 2010 of the Constitutional Court, which ordered the suspension of these mining titles and recognized their collective property rights. 

This specific case had a “happy ending”; however, it must be taken into account that the reality of Colombia is harsh. Despite this legal victory, the leaders have continued to face violence, stigmatization, and forced displacement for protecting their territory (Vélez-Torres, 2014; Vélez-Torres & Vanegas, 2022). Ecological regulations in Colombia are not usually neutral but rather reflect a structural pattern of inequality and aggression against those who defend nature. Social and environmental leaders play a key role in the defense of their territories and face risks and violence for challenging the interests of the elites. Ethnic representatives and environmental defenders who oppose extractive projects or who criticize state policies often become targets of threats, stigmatization, and attacks. These are not just isolated events but a systemic phenomenon in which defending natural goods and resources implies putting the life and security of communities at risk. 

The case of the Afro-descendant leaders of La Toma shows how the struggle against mining concessions has generated harassment and criminalization. Similarly, indigenous leaders in the Amazon have faced violence when proposing models of governance and questioning state conservation programs such as the REDD+ (Reduction of Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) projects implemented in Colombia. Although these programs are presented as an alternative to fight against climate change, they have been criticized for imposing conservation models that limit real participation of the communities and restrict their traditional practices of territorial management. These cases reveal how the struggle for environmental justice in Colombia is directly linked to the defense of human rights and the survival of ethnic peoples. The persistence of these aggressions against leaders demonstrates how economic interests are prioritized over the protection of communities and the preservation of nature. 

Colombia is known for being an impressively biodiverse country, and Colombians are rightfully proud of this fact. However, double standards appear when it comes to protecting the rights of nature and recognizing the role and leadership of the ethnic groups that do so much to preserve this beloved cultural wealth. Colombia needs to protect those who protect life; it is necessary to demand stronger protection mechanisms for social and environmental leaders, as well as the inclusion of ethnic communities in the design of environmental policies. Universities, NGOs, and citizens must amplify the voices of these leaders, creating awareness campaigns that pressure the government to act. The call is not only to protect the Colombian environment and the leaders who defend it but also to question who builds the green future of the country. Should policies continue to benefit some and exclude others, sustainability will remain a privilege and not a right. 

References 

Vélez‐Torres, I. (2014). Governmental extractivism in Colombia: Legislation, securitization and the local settings of mining control. *Political Geography*, 38, 68-78. https://doi.org/10.1016/J.POLGEO.2013.11.008 

Benites, G. (2022). Natures of concern: The criminalization of artisanal and small-scale mining in Colombia and Peru. *The Extractive Industries and Society*. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2022.101105 

Cárdenas, R. (2012). Green multiculturalism: articulations of ethnic and environmental politics in a Colombian ‘black community’. *The Journal of Peasant Studies*, 39, 309 – 333. https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2012.665892 

Torres, C., & Verschoor, G. (2020). Re-imagining environmental governance: Gold dredge mining vs Territorial Health in the Colombian Amazon. *Geoforum; Journal of Physical, Human, and Regional Geosciences*, 117, 124 – 133. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2020.09.013 

Vélez‐Torres, I., & Vanegas, D. (2022). Contentious environmental governance in polluted gold mining geographies: The case of La Toma, Colombia. *World Development*. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2022.105953 

Global Witness. (2021). Last line of defence: The industries causing the climate crisis and attacks against land and environmental defenders. Global Witness. https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/last-line-defence/ 

Human Rights Watch. (2021). World report 2021: Colombia. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2021/country-chapters/colombia 

Andoke Andoke L, Arazi E, Castro Suárez H, Griffiths TF, Gutiérrez Sánchez E. Amazonian visions of Visión Amazonía: Indigenous Peoples’ perspectives on a forest conservation and climate programme in the Colombian Amazon.  

The voice of resilience and resistance: The case of Esneda Saavedra, an indigenous female environmental leader 

Written By: Anyelina Anaya and Sofia De la Hoz

In Colombia, indigenous women environmental leaders face several risks for defending their territories, autonomy, and natural resources. According to different human rights organizations (Human Rights Watch, Global Witness), Colombia is considered one of the most dangerous countries in the world for social leaders, especially for women who challenge patriarchal norms while facing threats from armed groups and struggling with constant marginalization by the state. Within this context, the case of Esneda Saavedra, an indigenous leader from the Yukpa community, stands out as an example of resistance and resilience. Saavedra has dedicated her life to protecting her community and its territory from being displaced by armed groups. Her story is important because it shows the triple threat faced by indigenous women leaders: the defense of their territory and the fight to keep their autonomy while also challenging male-dominated structures. Hence, her story is essential to understand the patterns of violence against indigenous female environmental leaders and to recognize the need to strengthen their protection. 

Esneda Saavedra is currently the governor of the Cabildo del Resguardo Sokorpa (located in the Serranía de Perijá region of Cesar) and the only woman among the leaders of the six resguardos of the Yukpa people. Her fight began at the young age of eight after an armed group killed her father. In an interview with El Pais, she explained that this situation gave her courage and took away her fear. In the absence of her father, instead of staying in the kitchen as is usually the case for women in her community, she studied and helped her mother, who was a social and spiritual leader that played a crucial role in her life. Esneda emphasized that if it had not been for her mother she would not have become a social leader (Mendez, 2024). 

At the tender age of 13, she was named the secretary of the Resguardo Sokorpa while she was still studying. After graduating from high school, Esneda studied nursing. However, she continued fighting for her community, and that is the reason why at the age of 20, she was chosen as the spokesperson and representative of her community (Mendez, 2024). 

Her story has been marked by constant risks and challenges, as her community has faced several threats from armed groups whose main interest is to exploit and profit from natural resources. The Yukpa community are based in one of the main coal-producing regions in Colombia, and this fact has created immense social and environmental challenges. Furthermore, armed groups have greatly impacted nature and its relationship with the Yukpa community by cutting down trees to clear land for cattle ranching, monocultures, mining and illicit crops (Mendez, 2024). Such a situation has had serious implications for the community and its representatives. Esneda has received direct threats from armed groups that want to silence her because she has raised her voice to denounce how the armed conflict is linked to mining and the issue of illicit crops. At the age of 20, both the ELN and the FARC accused her of supporting right-wing paramilitaries, whereas the paramilitaries believed she was supporting the guerrillas. (Mendez, 2024). Such a scenario demonstrates the delicate nature of leadership within communities situated in conflict zones where state presence is a distant concept.  

This escalation of threats became more evident in August 2016 when Esneda denounced that she and other social leaders had received death threats after the Yukpa had objected to the establishment of a transitory rural normalization zone for the soon to be demobilized combatants of  the armed group FARC (as part of the 2016 peace agreement signed between this group and the state) in Los Encantos, a rural area of La Paz in Cesar. Following this, armed men from the FARC visited the area, declaring that the Yukpa were obliged to follow their rules. Community leaders, including Esneda, were threatened after refusing to accept their presence in their ancestral land. Saavedra explains that the constant threats by the FARC occurred because the Yukpa refused to relinquish their autonomy due to the risks of forced displacement for her community. Saavedra then requested institutions such as the Prosecutor General’s Office and the Unit for Victims to address the dangers by activating protection mechanisms to prevent the forced displacement of Yukpa families. This shows how indigenous leaders are threatened and suffer from direct violence for defending their ancestral territory against armed groups (El Pilón, 2016). 

The situation of 2016 was not the last incident. On March 6th of 2023, Esneda suffered an armed attack at her house, when she was with her mother and her children. The attacker yelled her name, forcing her to go out to protect her mother and the children. Shots were fired, but fortunately none of the bullets hit her. However, she was subjected to verbal death threats. This incident has yet to be resolved, despite the request of the Governing Council of the ONIC, which asked for an investigation from the Attorney General’s Office in order to know who was responsible and to guarantee protection from the National Protection Unit. These attacks and death threats show the extreme risk that indigenous women leaders face every day in Colombia as they struggle to uphold their rights and the rights of nature (Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia, 2023). These situations are sadly part of a broader pattern across the country. 

The case of Esneda Saavedra showcases a large structural problem that Colombia has: the systematic violence towards social leaders who fight for and defend the environment and the rights of indigenous people. Gendered Climate MIG (2025) state that: “The violence that Esneda lived was not an isolated case; rather, it is a consequence of a historical design that is heavily ingrained in different economic and political interests that seek a profit without taking life into consideration.” The interests of different stakeholders, such as armed groups, corporations, and the State, overlap in a specific way in which fighting for the rights of nature is perceived as a threat to the established order. The experience of Esneda Saavedra is an example of the national reality that Colombia has been experiencing, in which fighting for what you believe to be right also means fighting to protect your own safety. Furthermore, the ecofeminist approach of Vandana Shiva is helpful to demonstrate that this violence is the result of a framework that places both women and nature at the bottom of the status quo pyramid under the logic of a capitalist and patriarchal worldview. Shiva (1993) illustrates that the same tenet that is “in control” and exploits the Earth is also the exact one that marginalizes and oppresses women (mainly the women who are from rural and/or indigenous communities). According to Shiva, the capitalist system that governs much of the world is built exclusively “by men, for men”, meaning that this system forces a hierarchy into the world that accepts, and even encourages, domination and extraction over everything else. In this line of thought, the battles that Esneda has had to fight are not only environmental ones, but also feminist ones, taking into consideration not only the colonial legacies of Colombia and how these silence women and land, but also how her resistance (and that of many others) strive to counteract that reality. 

Esneda’s remarkable leadership demonstrates how different systems of oppression, like racism and capitalism, work hand-in-hand to maintain the inequality and violence of today’s society. Moreover, many indigenous women bear many different burdens because, as Amnesty International (2024) has stated, they are under constant attack for being women, for being indigenous, and for defending the environment. But despite all that, Esneda Saavedra and all the women who also face these difficulties continue to highlight alternative ways of living, based on a different worldview where not everything is about dominance and profit. This way of living is about harmony with nature, mutual respect for nature, and efforts to avoid excessive exploitation of nature. The activism of Esneda provides a framework for reflection on whether the world (and society in general) is really making progress in terms of valuing life over profit. For that reason, the experience of Esneda Saavedra should be a wake-up call and a call to action for everyone. It is imperative that the people of Colombia (and the entire international community for that matter) offer recognition and protection to the people who defend the Earth. The Earth is home to all people, yet only some choose to fight for its rights; these people deserve safety. Protecting leaders like Esneda is crucial for safeguarding the future of our planet. The defence of nature cannot keep costing the lives of those who defend it. Support for indigenous women leaders and the rejection of the violence that targets them are not acts of charity on our behalf; it is a fight for justice that we must take on as a duty for them, for us, and for the future generations that will live in the world. As Esneda demonstrates, taking care of and looking after the planet and each other is the most powerful form of resistance against a world built on inequality. 

References:

Amnesty International. (n.d.). Human rights in Colombia. Retrieved October 4, 2025 from 

https://www.amnesty.org/en/location/americas/south-america/colombia/report-colombia/#:~:text=As%20of%205%20November%2C%20the,Indigenous%20and%20Afro%2Ddescendant%20defenders

El Pilón. (2016, August 13). Yukpa denounce threats for opposing veredal zone. https://elpilon.com.co/politica/yukpas-denuncian-amenazas-por-oponerse-a-zona-veredal 

Gendered Climatemig. (2025, June 6). Colombia: The struggle of environmental defenders, between structural violence and resistance.https://genderedclimatemig.cnrs.fr/fr/2025/06/06 

Méndez, M. G. (2024, December 6). Esneda Saavedra: The Yukpa environmental defender. EL PAÍS. https://elpais.com/america-colombia/branded/los-lideres-de-colombia/2024-12-06/esneda-saavedra-la-defensora-yukpa-del-medioambiente.html 

Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia [ONIC]. (2023, March 8). ONIC rejects and denounces the attack against our Indigenous Peoples, Human Rights, and Peace counselor. https://www.onic.org.co/noticias/4571-la-onic-rechaza-y-denuncia-el-atentado-ocurrido-contra-nuestra-consejera-de-derechos-de-los-pueblos-indigenas-derechos-humanos-y-paz 

Voices Unheard – Amplifying Five Indigenous Women’s Stories

Written by: Mafer Martinez, María Navarro, Valentina Varela 

What does it mean to defend life when doing so can cost you your own? For many Indigenous women in Colombia, this is not a metaphor, it is a daily reality. Indigenous women in Colombia have long been at the forefront of community resistance, cultural preservation, and environmental protection. They also play a key role in defending their territories against environmental destruction and illegal exploitation as guardians of ancestral wisdom and traditions. Despite their vital roles, they remain among the most marginalized and threatened groups in the country. Their struggles shed light on the deep-rooted inequalities Indigenous communities still face today. By recognizing their achievements, we honor their tireless fight for human rights and cultural survival. Colombian Indigenous women leaders often risk their lives to protect nature, which benefits all of humanity. These women confront gender-based violence and systemic racism on top of the threats from armed groups. Their leadership challenges traditional patriarchal structures, opening space for other women to emerge in their communities. Publicizing their stories helps shatter the veneer of invisibility imposed by a society that has historically marginalized indigenous voices. 

Between 2022 and March 2024, at least 42 female social leaders were murdered in Colombia, many of them indigenous and rural women defending their communities, according to the Fundación Paz y Reconciliación. From August 2016 to September 2023, the National Commission of Indigenous Territories (CNTI) reported the assassination of 70 Indigenous women leaders, with the highest numbers in the departments of Cauca, Nariño, and Putumayo, mainly affecting the Nasa, Awá, and Embera peoples. These women were not only leaders, but also mothers, cultural protectors, and defenders of land and human rights. Their murders reflect a pattern of systemic violence, intersecting with racism, misogyny, and the ongoing effects of Colombia’s armed conflict. These statistics say something bold: indigenous women are disproportionately targeted simply for roles in resisting injustice and defending life. However, statistics alone are not sufficient; it is vital to know some of these stories to better understand the dynamics of violence and raise awareness of the need for actions to reduce violence. 

Mary Emilse Domicó Bailarín’s case is one that shows exactly that. She was a 22-year-old artisan and young mother of a 3-year-old son from the Embera Katío Indigenous community in Tierralta, Córdoba. She was known for her dedication to her culture and community, using her traditional craftsmanship to preserve ancestral knowledge and support her family. Mary was also a recognized community leader, respected for her commitment to indigenous identity and resistance. In May 2024, her dead body was found hidden in a makeshift grave, with signs of sexual violence and severe burns. Her brutal killing reflects the alarming vulnerability indigenous women face in Colombia, especially in territories marked by armed conflict, state abandonment, and social discrimination while also demonstrating the lack of any protective action from the government. Her murder echoes the statistics that show dozens of indigenous women being killed in recent years and reminds us why it is urgent to protect their lives, honor their roles, and fight the systemic violence that seeks to silence them. Her voice and legacy must not be forgotten. 

Cristina Bautista Taquinas was a proud Nasa Indigenous leader from Cauca, who dedicated her life to defending her community’s rights, territorial integrity, and cultural survival. Growing up with the ongoing conflict, she witnessed the violence, discrimination, and forced displacement that indigenous peoples in Colombia endured for generations. And on the journey that brought her to leadership, she faced not only systemic racism and state neglect, but also gender-based exclusion within her own community. When Cristina started rising into positions of authority, such as becoming a community authority, some resisted her simply because she was a woman and made her constantly prove herself. Cristina had to survive in spaces where her ideas were sometimes dismissed or where she was seen as “going against tradition” by promoting women’s political participation. She refused to be silenced and instead became an advocate for women’s leadership, indigenous autonomy, and peace. She helped strengthen the Indigenous Guard or “Kiwe Thegnas”(Defenders of the Territory), a nonviolent community defense group, and promoted bilingual education to protect the Nasa language and traditions. Cristina traveled across Colombia, raising awareness of indigenous struggles and demanding government accountability. On October 29th, 2019, while responding to threats in the Tacueyó reservation, Cristina and four Indigenous Guards were ambushed and murdered by armed groups resisting indigenous self-determination.  

Maritza Quiroz was an Afro-Colombian and Indigenous leader who brought attention to the struggles of displaced rural communities, especially women, in Colombia. Growing up in a region ravaged by armed conflict, Maritza faced the realities of displacement, poverty, and violence up close and personally. Her community, like many others, was deeply affected by the illegal armed groups vying for control of land, leaving families vulnerable to exploitation and displacement. As a woman in a society where political leadership was often reserved for men, Maritza fought against gender-based discrimination both in her community and in broader political spheres. Many doubted her capacity to lead simply because she was a displaced woman, often questioning her authority and sidelining her voice. Yet, despite these challenges, Maritza became a key advocate for land rights and justice, particularly for women who had been excluded from peace processes and political negotiations. She worked hard to organize women’s collectives, secure land for displaced families, and demand accountability for human rights violations. Maritza’s leadership helped create safe spaces for women to take prominence in their communities and take an active role in rebuilding their lives. Tragically, in 2019, Maritza was assassinated at her home by armed groups, a gruesome reminder of the risks faced by land defenders. While it is necessary to raise awareness of the brave female indigenous leaders who have been silenced for their work, it is also vital to bring attention to other leaders who continue to strive for a better society despite the specter of violence which remains. 

Mercedes Tunubalá Velasco, known as “Minga,” is an Indigenous Misak leader from Silvia, Cauca. She was the first indigenous woman elected as a mayor of Silvia, a powerful achievement in a society where Indigenous women have long been marginalized. Growing up in a rural Misak community, Mercedes experienced systemic racism that portrayed indigenous peoples as “inferior” and denied them access to quality education, healthcare, and political opportunities, and not just that, but as a woman, she also faced gender-based discrimination, where leadership was traditionally reserved for men, and women’s voices were often dismissed as irrelevant or “weak.” When she announced her candidacy, many within and outside her community doubted her ability to lead, questioning whether an indigenous woman could manage a municipality or represent in national political systems. Despite these obstacles and doubts, Mercedes persevered through grassroots organizing, education, and her deep connection to Misak values. As mayor, she strengthened Indigenous governance, defended ancestral territories, promoted bilingual education, and created programs for women’s empowerment and economic development. She pushed for policies centered on indigenous autonomy rather than outside economic interests. Although she has faced resistance from sectors unwilling to accept indigenous leadership, her administration became a symbol of dignity, resilience, and hope, and she continues fighting for justice. 

Lejandrina Pastor is a powerful indigenous leader from the Wiwa community, known for her tireless defense of indigenous rights, women’s empowerment, and environmental protection. Growing up in a territory constantly threatened by armed conflict, land dispossession, and systemic racism, Lejandrina saw from a young age how indigenous peoples were pushed to the margins of society, but of course as a woman, she also faced gender-based discrimination within her own community, where leadership roles were traditionally dominated by men and women’s contributions were often minimized or overlooked. Many doubted her leadership abilities simply because she was a woman challenging cultural norms, forcing her to work twice as hard to gain respect and legitimacy, similar to what the other women had to do to prove themselves. Lejandrina emerged as a critical voice for indigenous autonomy, leading initiatives to defend ancestral lands, promote traditional governance, and educate younger generations in their cultural identity. She has played a key role in strengthening the Indigenous Guard, advocating for peaceful self-defense mechanisms, and creating spaces for women’s political participation. Lejandrina has also pushed for environmental justice, recognizing the deep spiritual connection between Indigenous peoples and their territories. Although she continues to face threats from armed groups and social exclusion, her leadership stands as a beacon of resilience, dignity, and hope for Indigenous and rural communities across Colombia. 

Celebrating the achievements of these women should inspire younger generations to continue fighting for justice and equality. These women have successfully led initiatives for education, healthcare, and the defense of indigenous jurisdiction and governance. By supporting their leadership, we strengthen movements for peace, environmental justice, and human rights. Ignoring their realities would mean allowing systemic violence and marginalization to continue. Ultimately, raising awareness about their bravery helps build a more inclusive, respectful, and equitable world for all, and this must be the objective. The stories of Mary Emilse, Cristina, Maritza, Mercedes, and Lejandrina remind us that Indigenous women are not only survivors of violence—they are creators of change, defenders of life, and powerful voices for justice. Their lives and legacies demonstrate the urgency of protecting indigenous rights and amplifying the leadership of women who are too often silenced. Recognizing their battles and triumphs is not only an act of justice but a necessary step toward building a more inclusive, peaceful, and respectful society for present and future generations. 

References: 

Sublime, L. (2025, February 11). Mary Emilse Domicó Bailarin: The skilled artisan whose murder highlights the threats faced by indigenous women. La Libertad Sublime. https://www.lalibertadsublime.com/post/mary-emilse-domic%C3%B3-bailarin-the-skilled-artisan-whose-murder-highlights-the-threats-faced-by-indige 

Mahtani, N., Mahtani, N., & Mahtani, N. (2024, March 13). Al menos 42 lideresas han sido asesinadas desde 2022 en Colombia. El País América. https://elpais.com/america-colombia/2024-03-13/al-menos-42-lideresas-han-sido-asesinadas-desde-2022-en-colombia.html 

Celi, Y. C. R., & Celi, Y. C. R. (n.d.). 70 líderes indígenas asesinadas en Colombia en 7 años: informe del CNTI. https://www.radionacional.co/actualidad/paz/70-lideres-indigenas-asesinadas-en-colombia-en-7-anos-informe-del-cnti 

Lideresas y defensoras en Colombia: Un legado de sueños, de luchas y de afectos que no vamos a callar. (2020, September 29). AWID. https://www.awid.org/es/noticias-y-an%C3%A1lisis/lideresas-y-defensoras-en-colombia-un-legado-de-suenos-de-luchas-y-de-afectos 

La resistencia dentro de la resistencia: ser mujer, indígena y lideresa. (n.d.). https://lapazenelterreno.com/especiales/defender-la-vida/lideresas-indigenas.html 

The Wayuu: hardships and resistance 

Article written by: Sebastián Gil, María Leonor Pinto, Estefanía Rodríguez 

The Wayuu are the largest Indigenous community in Colombia, with an estimated population of over 380,000 individuals, mainly residing in the La Guajira Peninsula, near the Venezuelan border (DANE, 2018). They are known for their matrilineal clan system, traditional weaving, and a spiritual worldview based on dreams and harmony with nature. Additionally, their language, Wayuunaiki, is still widely spoken, demonstrating a strong cultural continuity. Despite these cultural strengths, the Wayuu continue to face systemic neglect and marginalization. 

One of the most pressing issues affecting the Wayuu is the lack of access to clean water. For this reason the community and especially the health of their child population have been impacted.  According to Human Rights Watch (2020), over 4,700 Wayuu children under the age of five died between 2008 and 2020 due to malnutrition and preventable diseases. Much of this crisis has been linked to the operations of the El Cerrejón coal mine, one of the largest in Latin America, which is alleged to have diverted and polluted vital water sources like the Ranchería River. Environmental degradation has had a direct impact on the   community’s health and food security, especially for women and children. 

The Colombian government has been widely criticized for failing to fulfill its constitutional duty to protect Indigenous rights. Although international and national courts have issued rulings in favor of the Wayuu, such as the 2017 decision by Colombia’s Constitutional Court to restore water access, implementation has been slow and ineffective. Reports from Dejusticia (n.d.) highlight that corruption, bureaucratic inefficiency, and corporate pressure contribute to the ongoing violations. This neglect undermines Wayuu’s right to health, food, and a safe environment. 

Furthermore, Wayuu leaders who defend their territory and culture often face threats, criminalization, and violence. Karmen Ramírez, a Wayuu activist, has denounced state inaction regarding children’s deaths in La Guajira. Miguel Iván Ramírez and the late Jakeline Romero have faced intimidation for opposing mining projects. Deris Paz, an environmental defender, survived a gun attack in 2021, while Luis Misael Socarrás and Dulcy Cotes documented environmental abuses in the region. These cases reflect a broader pattern of persecution against Indigenous leaders in Colombia, where at least 114 social leaders were killed in 2023 alone (INDEPAZ, 2023). 

Despite these challenges, the Wayuu continue to organize and resist. Community networks have formed to monitor environmental impacts and demand accountability from the state and multinational corporations. Women play a leading role in defending ancestral territories and cultural identity. Their advocacy, supported by organizations like the Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (ONIC), has brought international attention to their plight and led to some protective measures, though often insufficient. 

The case of the Wayuu is emblematic of the broader Indigenous struggle for survival, dignity, and justice in Latin America. It highlights how cultural richness can coexist with extreme vulnerability when state and corporate interests prevail over human rights. Addressing the Wayuu’s situation requires not only legal reforms, but also genuine political will, international pressure, and a recognition of Indigenous autonomy. Their voices and knowledge systems must be central to any solution. 

References:

DANE (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística). Censo Nacional de Población y Vivienda 2018. 
https://www.dane.gov.co 

Human Rights Watch. Guajira Dying of Thirst: The Human Cost of Colombia’s Failure to Protect Wayuu Children. (2020) 
https://www.hrw.org/report/2020/03/03/guajira-dying-thirst/human-cost-colombias-failure-protect-wayuu-children 

Dejusticia (n.d.).(Centro de Estudios de Derecho, Justicia y Sociedad). “El Cerrejón y los derechos de los pueblos indígenas: una deuda histórica.” 
https://www.dejusticia.org 

Corte Constitucional de Colombia. Sentencia T-302 de 2017 sobre el derecho al agua y a la vida digna del pueblo Wayuu. 
https://www.corteconstitucional.gov.co 

INDEPAZ (Instituto de Estudios para el Desarrollo y la Paz). Informe de lideres y defensores asesinados 2023. 
https://indepaz.org.co 

ONIC (Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia) Informes y comunicados sobre derechos territoriales y culturales Wayuu. 
https://www.onic.org.co 

Amnistía Internacional. “Colombia: líderes indígenas en riesgo por defender sus territorios.” 
https://www.amnesty.org/es/latest/news/2021/08/colombia-wayuu-leaders-under-threat/ 

 The Price of Truth in Colombia – Journalist Social Leaders in Córdoba, Colombia 

Written by Carlos Acevedo, Mariana Arango, Maria Antonia Cormane & Alexandra Rosales.

In Colombia there are regions marked by violence, corruption, and state abandonment, and the role of journalists often transcends traditional reporting. Just like social leaders, they take center stage in the protection of human rights, environmental conservation, and exposing systems of corruption. These journalist-social leaders have emerged in violence-torn areas neglected by the government and infested with illegal armed groups. Their work has been essential in exposing the nexus of organized crime and questionable politics, which is afflicted by deep-rooted corruption. In this article, the cases of Rafael Moreno and Clodomiro Castilla, two journalists murdered in Córdoba for their investigations into corruption and organized crime, exemplify the role of journalists as social leaders in Colombia and highlight the profound impact their work has in defending democratic values in hostile environments. Their stories reflect both the power of independent journalism and the urgent need for effective protection and justice mechanisms. 

Clodomiro Castilla was born and raised in the department of Córdoba, a region in Colombia’s Caribbean region full of natural resources and extensive landmarks. But on the other hand, it is a region marked by political violence, paramilitarism, and entrenched corruption. From a young age, Clodomiro saw journalism as a tool for denouncing abuses and driving social change. He served as editor of the regional newspaper El Pulso del Tiempo and contributed to various national outlets. His sharp critical lens, editorial independence, and fearlessness made him a thorn in the side of powerful interests. 

During the 2000s, Castilla gained national recognition for his investigations into the infiltration of paramilitary groups in politics, especially during the high point of the “parapolitics” scandal, which revealed collusion between paramilitary commanders and elected officials. He exposed the connections between ex-paramilitary chief Salvatore Mancuso and several politicians from Córdoba, including governors and mayors. Castilla also reported on land dispossession, violence against social leaders, and systemic corruption in public institutions as well as daily discussing controversial topics that ultimately served as a bridge for all citizens to acquire information, making him a social leader in the process. Although he received constant death threats, he remained steadfast in his reporting. At one point, he was granted protection by the state, but it was inconsistently supplied and eventually withdrawn. 

On the night of March 19th, 2010, Clodomiro was shot dead outside his home in Montería while resting in his front yard. Two gunmen approached him and opened fire at close range. His murder sent shockwaves through Colombia’s journalistic community and served as a grim reminder of the risks faced by those who challenge the nexus of criminal power and politics. To this day, his murder remains unsolved, and progress in the case has been non-existent behind closed doors at the prosecutor’s office. 

Another important journalist that shaped Córdoba´s history is Rafael Moreno, who was a grassroots journalist and community advocate from the municipality of Montelíbano, in the south of Córdoba. Although he did not come from traditional media outlets, with time and effort he built his voice through alternative and citizen journalism. He founded “Voces de Córdoba”, a digital platform where he publishes investigations, community reports, and made public denunciations, becoming a crucial local figure in the fight against corruption. His reporting had a tangible impact. He gave a voice to voiceless, empowered citizens to speak out, and hekped organize community efforts to demand transparency. In doing so, he became more than a journalist, he became a social leader.

Despite receiving repeated death threats by different groups, Moreno’s requests for protection were met with institutional apathy and bureaucratic delays. On October 16th, 2022, he was murdered in broad daylight in his hometown. His killing sent a chilling message to independent journalists across the country and dealt a blow to the already fragile press freedom in Colombia’s peripheries. It also demonstrated that little had changed in the department and throughout Colombia in terms of journalists being able to carry out their work without having to fear for their lives. 

The cases of Clodomiro Castilla and Rafael Moreno demonstrate the critical role that journalist social leaders play in the defense of democratic principles, human rights, and public accountability in Colombia, particularly in regions historically affected by violence, corruption, and state abandonment. Both journalists engaged in investigative reporting that went beyond the scope of traditional media coverage, revealing structural issues such as political manipulation, links between elected officials and illegal armed groups, land dispossession, and environmental degradation caused by illegal economic activities. Their work provided visibility to the grievances of marginalized communities and contributed to the documentation of abuses often ignored by national institutions. 

The context in which these journalists operated was marked by systemic impunity, limited institutional protection, and the presence of organized criminal structures that exert influence over political and economic life. Despite repeated threats to their lives, both Castilla and Moreno continued to pursue their work, underscoring the commitment and risks faced by journalists in Colombia’s conflict-affected territories. Their deaths are emblematic of a broader pattern of violence against the press in the country, where journalists who challenge power are frequently met with threats, intimidation, and assassination, often without consequences for the perpetrators. 

Furthermore, the legacy of Castilla and Moreno highlights the intersection between journalism and social leadership. Their investigative work not only exposed wrongdoings but also inspired civic participation and demanded institutional accountability. While journalists may not receive more protection than social leaders, they are often granted specific measures such as bodyguards, bulletproof vests, armored vehicles, or relocation assistance tailored to the nature of the threats they face, and their cases often receive heightened visibility at the national and international levels to the point where national and international organizations have cited their cases as examples of the dangers facing reporters in high-risk zones and as reminders of the urgent need to enforce protection mechanisms and justice processes.

In summary, the stories of Clodomiro Castilla and Rafael Moreno reflect the deeper struggles within Colombian society regarding freedom of expression, the protection of civil society actors, and the consolidation of a democratic system capable of safeguarding those who seek to expose the truth. In Córdoba, Colombia, figures like these have emerged not only as reporters but also as social leaders. They used their voices to advocate for the public good, defend human rights, and push back against an established order. Their courageous efforts placed them at the heart of social movements, where revealing the truth can come with life-threatening risks. Their contributions remain a point of reference in ongoing discussions about press freedom, transitional justice, and the role of independent media in conflict and post-conflict contexts. Castilla and Moreno are just two of the multitude of cases in Colombia where lives have been taken simply for speaking out—a fundamental right enshrined in our constitution. 

References:  

International Service for Human Rights. (2025). International Service for Human Rights. https://ishr.ch/   

Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa. (2020, July 4). El Estado ante la violencia contra la prensa. https://flip.org.co/publicaciones/otras-publicaciones?item=el-estado-ante-la-violencia-contra-la-prensa  

Fundación Paz & Reconciliación. (2020, February 12). Some insights into the murder of Clodomiro Castilla. https://www.pares.com.co/post/algunas-luces-sobre-el-asesinato-de-clodomiro-castilla  

Duque, C. J. (2010, April 8). Clodomiro Castilla: A crime at the heart of democratic security. Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo. https://www.colectivodeabogados.org/clodomiro-castilla-un-crimen-en-las-entranas-de-la-seguridad-democratica/  

Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa. (2017, May 17). Clodomiro Segundo Castilla Ospina. https://flip.org.co/pronunciamientos/clodomiro-segundo-castilla-ospina 

Committee to Protect Journalists. (n.d.). Rafael Emiro Moreno Garavito. https://cpj.org/data/people/rafael-emiro-moreno-garavito/ 

Duque, C. J. (2022, September 19). Rafael Moreno: La sombra de las elecciones regionales en Córdoba. Universidad de Bogotá Jorge Tadeo Lozano. https://www.utadeo.edu.co/es/articulo/crossmedialab/277626/rafael-moreno-la-sombra-de-las-elecciones-regionales-en-cordoba 

The decline (and hopes for revitalization) of native languages in the Americas 

Written By:  María Angelica Alcalá, Alejandro Jiménez, Nadia Olivares 

There are more than 7,000 languages in the world, but many of them are disappearing. According to UNESCO (2023), nearly 40% of these languages are endangered, most of them Indigenous, and every two weeks, one language disappears, taking with it an entire worldview. Languages are not only words; they are also living systems that embody collective memory, identity, and relationships with nature. In other words, this loss represents not only the disappearance of words but also the vanishing of ancestral knowledge related to ecosystems, medicine, spirituality, and oral traditions. Today, Indigenous languages in the Americas are in danger due to factors such as globalization, migration, and the dominance of global languages such as English and Spanish. Examples of this linguistic loss include Quechua in South America, Náhuatl in Mexico, and many other Native languages in North America. This article aims to raise awareness of the situation of Colombia’s Indigenous peoples, while also connecting it to a global issue faced by many nations. As Irarrázabal & Vinet (2020) point out, the survival of Indigenous languages depends on dismantling linguistic ideologies that view them as inferior or outdated.

This danger is still very much present in Canada, for instance, where Indigenous communities have experienced severe cultural disruption and trauma because of government policies, residential schools, and the forcible separation of Indigenous children from their families (Toth, 2022). These practices have historically hindered the transmission of languages across generations. However, as a fundamental part of their identity, Indigenous peoples are still striving to preserve and revitalize their languages despite these obstacles. Thanks to innovative approaches like community-based learning, digital education, and federal programs, there is hope for language preservation today. To serve the survival of these languages and the cultures they represent for future generations, it is imperative that we comprehend the past and assist Indigenous leadership in these endeavors.

In Colombia, the situation is complex. The country recognizes 68 native languages: 65 Indigenous, 2 Creole, and 1 Romani, but most are endangered (Ministerio de Cultura, s. f.). Historically, bilingualism among Indigenous peoples has been shaped by power asymmetries and colonization, which imposed Spanish as the dominant language (Alarcón, 2007). Uribe-Jongbloed and Anderson (2014) explain that Colombian policies toward Indigenous and minority languages have been inconsistent, oscillating between recognition and neglect. Although the 1991 Constitution and Law 1381 of 2010 formally protect linguistic diversity, their implementation remains weak, especially in education. According to Alarcón (2007), the lack of trained teachers and materials in Indigenous languages has limited true bilingual education, leaving many communities without institutional support. 

Despite these challenges, several communities are actively revitalizing their languages. The Wayuu people in La Guajira have promoted Wayuunaiki through local radio and bilingual schools (Ministerio de Cultura, s. f.). The Nasa in Cauca are recovering Nasa Yuwe through intercultural educational programs, and other groups, such as the Kichwa and Kamëntsá in Putumayo, use digital platforms to teach and document their language practices (Uribe-Jongbloed & Anderson, 2014). These actions demonstrate how Indigenous knowledge and technology can work together to strengthen linguistic resilience.

Irarrázabal and Vinet (2020) emphasize that linguistic revitalization must confront the ideology that privileges global languages and marginalizes Indigenous voices. Changing such perceptions requires recognizing these languages as part of a living and diverse cultural heritage rather than as remnants of the past. In this sense, the role of Colombia’s Ministry of Culture (s. f.) through its Vice Minister of Heritage, Memories and Cultural Governance is essential in supporting community-led initiatives, training, and cultural transmission.

In closing, the disappearance of Indigenous languages isn’t simply a matter of words fading; it signifies a deep cultural crisis that erodes identity, memory, and the rights of entire communities. From the moment Indigenous peoples across North America and Colombia were uprooted, discriminated against, or forced to assimilate, the flow of ancestral knowledge was interrupted. Yet there is hope: through education led by Indigenous communities, digital tools for revitalization, and governmental initiatives that truly work alongside these efforts, language recovery is within reach. Safeguarding these languages means preserving cultural richness and making sure that the children of tomorrow can inherit their traditions, stories, and ways of seeing the world. Ultimately, standing up for Indigenous languages means taking a stand for human rights, for cultural heritage, and for the very essence of our shared humanity.

References: 

Alarcón, W. D. (2007). Indigenous Bilingualism in Colombia. GIST – Education and Learning Research Journal, (1), 24–38. Retrieved from https://latinjournal.org/index.php/gist/article/view/567 

Cisternas Irarrázabal, C., & Olate Vinet, A. (2020). Linguistic Ideologies About American Indigenous Languages: A Systematic Review of Research Articles. Íkala, Revista De Lenguaje Y Cultura, 25(3), 755–773. https://doi.org/10.17533/udea.ikala.v25n03a09 

Ministerio de Cultura. (s. f.). Viceministerio de los Patrimonios, las Memorias y Gobernanza. Cultural. https://www.mincultura.gov.co/despacho/Paginas/viceministerios/viceministerio-de-los-patrimonios-las-memorias-y-gobernanza-cultural.aspx 

Toth, K. (2022, January 19). The death and revival of Indigenous languages. Harvard International Review. https://hir.harvard.edu/the-death-and-revival-of-indigenous-languages/ 

UNESCO. (2023). World Atlas of Languages: Global Report on Linguistic Diversity. UNESCO Publishing. 

Uribe Jongbloed, E., & Anderson, C. E. (2014). Indigenous and minority languages in Colombia: The current situation. Zeszyty Luzyckie, 48. https://www.academia.edu/11777029/Zeszyty_%C5%81u%C5%BCyckie_48_2014 

The Embera Katio: A 45-year account of Violence 

Written by: Emanuel Bolaño, Dako Estévez & Lina Yepes

What happens when people are forced to abandon their lands, their culture and surrender to the disappearance of their identity due to the structural violence that strikes the country and its most remote, yet naturally rich territories? The history of the Emberá Katio people offers a clear example of how forced displacement, and the existence of power vacuums have shaped the experience of this indigenous community for decades.  

The acts of violence and displacement towards the Emberá Katío indigenous community have been present since 1980 with the resurgence of illegal armed groups, narcotrafficking operations, mining initiatives, agricultural expansion, infrastructure construction and other development projects carried out without consultation in their territories. This community principally inhabits the departments of Chocó, Antioquia, and Córdoba. These lands, extremely rich in raw materials like oil, and precious metals like gold, are often a target for conflict since illegal groups are highly interested in controlling these territories due to the economic potential they represent. This leaves the Emberá communities vulnerable and in need of the surveillance and protection of the state. However, the state has not fulfilled its role satisfactorily, which makes it easier for armed actors such as guerrilla groups or other criminal structures to harass them through massacres, recruitment, confinements, and food insecurity, among others. 

 Therefore, this population has been forced to migrate from their territory to the closest cities, where they could find shelter. But this displacement guides them to an extreme state of poverty, as they are not provided with enough resources to live in proper conditions nor to integrate into society. Alternatively, returning to their home is not currently an option due to the threats they face and for this reason, this text will address the causes and consequences of this situation that has been going on for decades.  

For a long time, there have been records of the enormous harm and suffering experienced by Indigenous communities. In May 2000 alone, the Colombian Army carried out a bombing and air strike attack using helicopters and airplanes over the community of Alto Guayabal, followed by the invasion of ground troops under the pretext of combating guerrilla forces. As a result, the community was forced to flee to neighboring safeguards. On that occasion, at least three people disappeared, and many were killed, and to this day, more than two decades later, no further information has been obtained regarding their whereabouts. During the same military operations, eight Indigenous tambos (homes) were burned, and food supplies, kitchen utensils, and livestock were stolen, representing a major scar among many that the Colombian state left in its attempt to simulate a military victory at the cost of innocent lives. 

Furthermore, there was the muerder of Luciano Domicó, an indigenous leader who safeguarded the rights of his community by fighting for policies that guaranteed health, education and the preservation of their culture. In addition to this work, Lucindo founded community schools in Pawarandó in 1991 and Beguidó in 1993. Later in 1997 he became elected as general secretary and health coordinator of the council. Lucindo was a strong opponent of the construction of the Urrá Dam, a massive infrastructure project which greatly impacted indigenous communities in the Alto Sinú region where it was constructed. On one occasion, he made a public declaration in the governors assembly from the Emberá Katío, highlighting the concern about the threats and assassinations taking place in the Alto Sinú and claiming their distress was due to the fact that the project would cause the water and fish to disappear due to a project that would do more harm than good. Because of his speaking out in defense of the rights of his community and its territory, Lucindo was later killed on April 24th, 1999.

Additionally, there was the case of Kimy Pernía Domicó, also known as “El Guardián del Río” (the River Guardian), which also demonstrates the acts of violence from armed groups outside of the law towards social leaders. According to the Center of Memory, Peace, and Reconciliation (2022), Kimy dedicated his life to defending the Sinú, Esmeralda, Verde and Cruz Grande rivers, which were protected by the Emberá Katío in Córdoba. He promoted multiple reports and demonstrations on the risks posed by the Urrá Dam project, which relied on water supplies from rivers originating in indigenous lands. Despite this, the dam was put into function and brought negative effects to many species, in addition to the well-being of members of the Embera community, many of whom were forcibly displaced from their lands. Furthermore, Kimy was later disappeared and murdered by paramilitaries on June 2nd 2001, as the former AUC paramilitary commander Salvatore Mancuso would later admit (Truth Commission, 2020).  

Overall, the displacement and oppression has resulted in poverty, the loss of ancestral territories, cultural disintegration, and mental health issues among the Embera community. It has also left a huge scar on their heritage, as they struggle to adapt to urban environments and confront multiple challenges due to systematic violence. The community’s traditional knowledge and practices are at risk, highlighting the need for policies that support their cultural identity and rights. While the Embera Katío community faces these severe issues, some scholars argue that their resilience and traditional knowledge should play a crucial role in their adaptation and survival in new environments. This perspective emphasizes the importance of integrating indigenous knowlegde into broader social policies to support displaced communities.

References

Área de Gestión Documental. (s. f.). 22 años sin Lucindo Domicó, un líder Embera que dio la vida por defender su territorio. https://www.coljuristas.org/sala_de_prensa/22-annos-sin-lucindo-domico-un-lider-embera-que-dio-la-vida-por-defender-su-territorio#:~:text=Bogot%C3%A1%2C%2024%20de%20abril%20de,le%20dispararon%20en%20repetidas%20ocasiones. 

Biodiversidad en América Latina y el Caribe. (2010) (s.f.). Colombia: Desmilitarización de la selva de los Emberá Katío ¡YA!. https://www.biodiversidadla.org/Campanas-y-Acciones/Colombia_Desmilitarizacion_de_la_selva_de_los_Embera_Katio_YA 

Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación. (2023, 9 mayo). “Kimy, el guardián del río”, una historia animada para niñas y niños – Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación. http://centromemoria.gov.co/kimy-el-guardian-del-rio-una-historia-animada-para-ninas-y-ninos/  

Comisión de Verdad. (2020, October 23rd). “Salvatore Mancuso reconoce haber asesinado al líder indígena Kimy Pernía Domicó”. Retrieved from https://web.comisiondelaverdad.co/actualidad/noticias/salvatore-mancuso-reconoce-haber-asesinado-al-lider-indigena-kimy-pernia-domico 

Contraloría General de la República de Colombia. (2015, 18 agosto). Situación la comunidad indígena Embera Katio [Vídeo]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VzB6dOVHwGM  

Noticias Caracol. (2014, 3 marzo). Hacinados, así viven indígenas embera katío que huyen de la violencia – 3 de Marzo de 2014 [Vídeo]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WNwWRU4nUPA  

Noticias Caracol. (2019, 28 abril). Indígenas de Chocó huyen de violencia o padecen hambre y enfermedades por violencia [Vídeo]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lLTL5pxCEp4  

Vista de Los aborígenes colombianos y las paradojas del desarrollo: el caso de los emberá katíos del Alto Sinú        | Hallazgos. (s.f.). https://revistas.usantotomas.edu.co/index.php/hallazgos/article/view/741/Los%20abor%C3%ADgenes%20colombianos%20y%20las%20paradojas%20%20del%20desarrollo%3A%20el%20c  

Webmaster. (2024, 10 mayo). Unidad para las Víctimas caracterizó 297 hogares Emberá asentados en el Parque Nacional. Unidad Para las Víctimas. https://www.unidadvictimas.gov.co/unidad-para-las-victimas-caracterizo-297-hogares-embera-asentados-en-el-parque-nacional/#:~:text=En%20total%20se%20caracteriz%C3%B3%20a,de%20la%20comunidad%20Ember%C3%A1%20Kat%C3%ADo

Building Peace Through Diversity -The Resilience of Social Leaders in the Colombian Pacific 

Written by: Carolina Arteta, María Gabriela Barraza, Elaine González & María Fernanda Meneses 

Stretching along Colombia’s western coast, the Pacific region is one of the most culturally rich and environmentally diverse areas in the country. Yet, behind its green landscapes and vibrant communities lies a long history of abandonment, inequality, and violence. This region, home largely to Afro-Colombian and Indigenous populations, continues to suffer from weak state presence and deeply rooted power disparities, conditions that have turned it into one of the most dangerous places for those who dare to lead and defend their communities. 

In recent years, the assassination of social leaders in the Colombian Pacific has become a tragic and urgent reality. These killings are far from isolated acts of violence; they are part of a broader and more complex pattern in which the legacy of armed conflict, the continued influence of authoritarian local powers, and the lack of effective state protection all converge. This text seeks to raise awareness of these threats by highlighting not only their political and structural roots, but also the human stories behind the statistics. 

Following the 2016 peace agreement, hope briefly flourished in many corners of Colombia. But in the Pacific region, peace remained elusive. Social leaders deeply rooted in their communities, defending land, rights, and dignity, have faced increased threats. Their work disrupts the interests of local elites and illegal armed actors who benefit from disorder and silence. In this context, defending peace becomes a dangerous act of resistance. 

Many of these leaders are linked to progressive political movements and community organizing efforts, which makes them particularly vulnerable. Their visibility and commitment to change often paint a target on their backs. The violence they face is not random; it is political, deliberate, and sustained by the fear of losing control among those who hold power through informal and often violent means. 

State absence further deepens the crisis. In the Pacific, government institutions are often distant or dysfunctional, leaving entire communities exposed to the control of illegal groups. This vacuum allows local power networks to expand their influence without restraint, while those who oppose them, like social leaders, pay the highest price. Understanding this dynamic is key not just to documenting injustice, but to imagining a path forward where peace is truly inclusive and sustainable. 

The story of Elizabeth Moreno Barco gives a face to this struggle. As a leader from Togoromá, San Juan, Chocó, she has spent over two decades defending the rights of Afro-Colombian and Indigenous peoples. In 2013, when violence forced her to leave her home, she did not stop. Instead, she channeled her pain into action by participating in peace dialogues and mediating between armed actors. Consequently, her courage has earned her international recognition, including the Nansen Refugee Award and the title of National Human Rights Defender of the Year in 2023. 

Elizabeth’s story, like that of so many others, is one of resilience, dignity, and unwavering commitment. Indeed, these leaders are not just defenders; they are guardians of their territories, voices of their people, and pillars of peace. Therefore, raising awareness about the dangers they face is not an academic exercise; it is a moral and political imperative. Ultimately, their protection is not only a matter of human rights, but also a condition for the future of peace in Colombia. 

References 

Semana. (2025, marzo 24). Líderes sociales del Pacífico. https://www.semana.com/noticias/lideres-sociales-del-pacifico/ 

Colombia Informa. (2018, julio 3). [Especial] En el Pacífico persiste el conflicto armado. https://www.colombiainforma.info/especial-en-el-pacifico-persiste-el-conflicto-armado/ 

ACNUR. (2023, octubre 5). Defensora de derechos humanos colombiana desafía el peligro para salvar vidas y apoyar a su comunidad. https://www.acnur.org/noticias/historias/defensora-de-derechos-humanos-colombiana-desafia-el-peligro-para-salvar-vidas-y