The voice of resilience and resistance: The case of Esneda Saavedra, an indigenous female environmental leader 

Written By: Anyelina Anaya and Sofia De la Hoz

In Colombia, indigenous women environmental leaders face several risks for defending their territories, autonomy, and natural resources. According to different human rights organizations (Human Rights Watch, Global Witness), Colombia is considered one of the most dangerous countries in the world for social leaders, especially for women who challenge patriarchal norms while facing threats from armed groups and struggling with constant marginalization by the state. Within this context, the case of Esneda Saavedra, an indigenous leader from the Yukpa community, stands out as an example of resistance and resilience. Saavedra has dedicated her life to protecting her community and its territory from being displaced by armed groups. Her story is important because it shows the triple threat faced by indigenous women leaders: the defense of their territory and the fight to keep their autonomy while also challenging male-dominated structures. Hence, her story is essential to understand the patterns of violence against indigenous female environmental leaders and to recognize the need to strengthen their protection. 

Esneda Saavedra is currently the governor of the Cabildo del Resguardo Sokorpa (located in the Serranía de Perijá region of Cesar) and the only woman among the leaders of the six resguardos of the Yukpa people. Her fight began at the young age of eight after an armed group killed her father. In an interview with El Pais, she explained that this situation gave her courage and took away her fear. In the absence of her father, instead of staying in the kitchen as is usually the case for women in her community, she studied and helped her mother, who was a social and spiritual leader that played a crucial role in her life. Esneda emphasized that if it had not been for her mother she would not have become a social leader (Mendez, 2024). 

At the tender age of 13, she was named the secretary of the Resguardo Sokorpa while she was still studying. After graduating from high school, Esneda studied nursing. However, she continued fighting for her community, and that is the reason why at the age of 20, she was chosen as the spokesperson and representative of her community (Mendez, 2024). 

Her story has been marked by constant risks and challenges, as her community has faced several threats from armed groups whose main interest is to exploit and profit from natural resources. The Yukpa community are based in one of the main coal-producing regions in Colombia, and this fact has created immense social and environmental challenges. Furthermore, armed groups have greatly impacted nature and its relationship with the Yukpa community by cutting down trees to clear land for cattle ranching, monocultures, mining and illicit crops (Mendez, 2024). Such a situation has had serious implications for the community and its representatives. Esneda has received direct threats from armed groups that want to silence her because she has raised her voice to denounce how the armed conflict is linked to mining and the issue of illicit crops. At the age of 20, both the ELN and the FARC accused her of supporting right-wing paramilitaries, whereas the paramilitaries believed she was supporting the guerrillas. (Mendez, 2024). Such a scenario demonstrates the delicate nature of leadership within communities situated in conflict zones where state presence is a distant concept.  

This escalation of threats became more evident in August 2016 when Esneda denounced that she and other social leaders had received death threats after the Yukpa had objected to the establishment of a transitory rural normalization zone for the soon to be demobilized combatants of  the armed group FARC (as part of the 2016 peace agreement signed between this group and the state) in Los Encantos, a rural area of La Paz in Cesar. Following this, armed men from the FARC visited the area, declaring that the Yukpa were obliged to follow their rules. Community leaders, including Esneda, were threatened after refusing to accept their presence in their ancestral land. Saavedra explains that the constant threats by the FARC occurred because the Yukpa refused to relinquish their autonomy due to the risks of forced displacement for her community. Saavedra then requested institutions such as the Prosecutor General’s Office and the Unit for Victims to address the dangers by activating protection mechanisms to prevent the forced displacement of Yukpa families. This shows how indigenous leaders are threatened and suffer from direct violence for defending their ancestral territory against armed groups (El Pilón, 2016). 

The situation of 2016 was not the last incident. On March 6th of 2023, Esneda suffered an armed attack at her house, when she was with her mother and her children. The attacker yelled her name, forcing her to go out to protect her mother and the children. Shots were fired, but fortunately none of the bullets hit her. However, she was subjected to verbal death threats. This incident has yet to be resolved, despite the request of the Governing Council of the ONIC, which asked for an investigation from the Attorney General’s Office in order to know who was responsible and to guarantee protection from the National Protection Unit. These attacks and death threats show the extreme risk that indigenous women leaders face every day in Colombia as they struggle to uphold their rights and the rights of nature (Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia, 2023). These situations are sadly part of a broader pattern across the country. 

The case of Esneda Saavedra showcases a large structural problem that Colombia has: the systematic violence towards social leaders who fight for and defend the environment and the rights of indigenous people. Gendered Climate MIG (2025) state that: “The violence that Esneda lived was not an isolated case; rather, it is a consequence of a historical design that is heavily ingrained in different economic and political interests that seek a profit without taking life into consideration.” The interests of different stakeholders, such as armed groups, corporations, and the State, overlap in a specific way in which fighting for the rights of nature is perceived as a threat to the established order. The experience of Esneda Saavedra is an example of the national reality that Colombia has been experiencing, in which fighting for what you believe to be right also means fighting to protect your own safety. Furthermore, the ecofeminist approach of Vandana Shiva is helpful to demonstrate that this violence is the result of a framework that places both women and nature at the bottom of the status quo pyramid under the logic of a capitalist and patriarchal worldview. Shiva (1993) illustrates that the same tenet that is “in control” and exploits the Earth is also the exact one that marginalizes and oppresses women (mainly the women who are from rural and/or indigenous communities). According to Shiva, the capitalist system that governs much of the world is built exclusively “by men, for men”, meaning that this system forces a hierarchy into the world that accepts, and even encourages, domination and extraction over everything else. In this line of thought, the battles that Esneda has had to fight are not only environmental ones, but also feminist ones, taking into consideration not only the colonial legacies of Colombia and how these silence women and land, but also how her resistance (and that of many others) strive to counteract that reality. 

Esneda’s remarkable leadership demonstrates how different systems of oppression, like racism and capitalism, work hand-in-hand to maintain the inequality and violence of today’s society. Moreover, many indigenous women bear many different burdens because, as Amnesty International (2024) has stated, they are under constant attack for being women, for being indigenous, and for defending the environment. But despite all that, Esneda Saavedra and all the women who also face these difficulties continue to highlight alternative ways of living, based on a different worldview where not everything is about dominance and profit. This way of living is about harmony with nature, mutual respect for nature, and efforts to avoid excessive exploitation of nature. The activism of Esneda provides a framework for reflection on whether the world (and society in general) is really making progress in terms of valuing life over profit. For that reason, the experience of Esneda Saavedra should be a wake-up call and a call to action for everyone. It is imperative that the people of Colombia (and the entire international community for that matter) offer recognition and protection to the people who defend the Earth. The Earth is home to all people, yet only some choose to fight for its rights; these people deserve safety. Protecting leaders like Esneda is crucial for safeguarding the future of our planet. The defence of nature cannot keep costing the lives of those who defend it. Support for indigenous women leaders and the rejection of the violence that targets them are not acts of charity on our behalf; it is a fight for justice that we must take on as a duty for them, for us, and for the future generations that will live in the world. As Esneda demonstrates, taking care of and looking after the planet and each other is the most powerful form of resistance against a world built on inequality. 

References:

Amnesty International. (n.d.). Human rights in Colombia. Retrieved October 4, 2025 from 

https://www.amnesty.org/en/location/americas/south-america/colombia/report-colombia/#:~:text=As%20of%205%20November%2C%20the,Indigenous%20and%20Afro%2Ddescendant%20defenders

El Pilón. (2016, August 13). Yukpa denounce threats for opposing veredal zone. https://elpilon.com.co/politica/yukpas-denuncian-amenazas-por-oponerse-a-zona-veredal 

Gendered Climatemig. (2025, June 6). Colombia: The struggle of environmental defenders, between structural violence and resistance.https://genderedclimatemig.cnrs.fr/fr/2025/06/06 

Méndez, M. G. (2024, December 6). Esneda Saavedra: The Yukpa environmental defender. EL PAÍS. https://elpais.com/america-colombia/branded/los-lideres-de-colombia/2024-12-06/esneda-saavedra-la-defensora-yukpa-del-medioambiente.html 

Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia [ONIC]. (2023, March 8). ONIC rejects and denounces the attack against our Indigenous Peoples, Human Rights, and Peace counselor. https://www.onic.org.co/noticias/4571-la-onic-rechaza-y-denuncia-el-atentado-ocurrido-contra-nuestra-consejera-de-derechos-de-los-pueblos-indigenas-derechos-humanos-y-paz 

Voices Unheard – Amplifying Five Indigenous Women’s Stories

Written by: Mafer Martinez, María Navarro, Valentina Varela 

What does it mean to defend life when doing so can cost you your own? For many Indigenous women in Colombia, this is not a metaphor, it is a daily reality. Indigenous women in Colombia have long been at the forefront of community resistance, cultural preservation, and environmental protection. They also play a key role in defending their territories against environmental destruction and illegal exploitation as guardians of ancestral wisdom and traditions. Despite their vital roles, they remain among the most marginalized and threatened groups in the country. Their struggles shed light on the deep-rooted inequalities Indigenous communities still face today. By recognizing their achievements, we honor their tireless fight for human rights and cultural survival. Colombian Indigenous women leaders often risk their lives to protect nature, which benefits all of humanity. These women confront gender-based violence and systemic racism on top of the threats from armed groups. Their leadership challenges traditional patriarchal structures, opening space for other women to emerge in their communities. Publicizing their stories helps shatter the veneer of invisibility imposed by a society that has historically marginalized indigenous voices. 

Between 2022 and March 2024, at least 42 female social leaders were murdered in Colombia, many of them indigenous and rural women defending their communities, according to the Fundación Paz y Reconciliación. From August 2016 to September 2023, the National Commission of Indigenous Territories (CNTI) reported the assassination of 70 Indigenous women leaders, with the highest numbers in the departments of Cauca, Nariño, and Putumayo, mainly affecting the Nasa, Awá, and Embera peoples. These women were not only leaders, but also mothers, cultural protectors, and defenders of land and human rights. Their murders reflect a pattern of systemic violence, intersecting with racism, misogyny, and the ongoing effects of Colombia’s armed conflict. These statistics say something bold: indigenous women are disproportionately targeted simply for roles in resisting injustice and defending life. However, statistics alone are not sufficient; it is vital to know some of these stories to better understand the dynamics of violence and raise awareness of the need for actions to reduce violence. 

Mary Emilse Domicó Bailarín’s case is one that shows exactly that. She was a 22-year-old artisan and young mother of a 3-year-old son from the Embera Katío Indigenous community in Tierralta, Córdoba. She was known for her dedication to her culture and community, using her traditional craftsmanship to preserve ancestral knowledge and support her family. Mary was also a recognized community leader, respected for her commitment to indigenous identity and resistance. In May 2024, her dead body was found hidden in a makeshift grave, with signs of sexual violence and severe burns. Her brutal killing reflects the alarming vulnerability indigenous women face in Colombia, especially in territories marked by armed conflict, state abandonment, and social discrimination while also demonstrating the lack of any protective action from the government. Her murder echoes the statistics that show dozens of indigenous women being killed in recent years and reminds us why it is urgent to protect their lives, honor their roles, and fight the systemic violence that seeks to silence them. Her voice and legacy must not be forgotten. 

Cristina Bautista Taquinas was a proud Nasa Indigenous leader from Cauca, who dedicated her life to defending her community’s rights, territorial integrity, and cultural survival. Growing up with the ongoing conflict, she witnessed the violence, discrimination, and forced displacement that indigenous peoples in Colombia endured for generations. And on the journey that brought her to leadership, she faced not only systemic racism and state neglect, but also gender-based exclusion within her own community. When Cristina started rising into positions of authority, such as becoming a community authority, some resisted her simply because she was a woman and made her constantly prove herself. Cristina had to survive in spaces where her ideas were sometimes dismissed or where she was seen as “going against tradition” by promoting women’s political participation. She refused to be silenced and instead became an advocate for women’s leadership, indigenous autonomy, and peace. She helped strengthen the Indigenous Guard or “Kiwe Thegnas”(Defenders of the Territory), a nonviolent community defense group, and promoted bilingual education to protect the Nasa language and traditions. Cristina traveled across Colombia, raising awareness of indigenous struggles and demanding government accountability. On October 29th, 2019, while responding to threats in the Tacueyó reservation, Cristina and four Indigenous Guards were ambushed and murdered by armed groups resisting indigenous self-determination.  

Maritza Quiroz was an Afro-Colombian and Indigenous leader who brought attention to the struggles of displaced rural communities, especially women, in Colombia. Growing up in a region ravaged by armed conflict, Maritza faced the realities of displacement, poverty, and violence up close and personally. Her community, like many others, was deeply affected by the illegal armed groups vying for control of land, leaving families vulnerable to exploitation and displacement. As a woman in a society where political leadership was often reserved for men, Maritza fought against gender-based discrimination both in her community and in broader political spheres. Many doubted her capacity to lead simply because she was a displaced woman, often questioning her authority and sidelining her voice. Yet, despite these challenges, Maritza became a key advocate for land rights and justice, particularly for women who had been excluded from peace processes and political negotiations. She worked hard to organize women’s collectives, secure land for displaced families, and demand accountability for human rights violations. Maritza’s leadership helped create safe spaces for women to take prominence in their communities and take an active role in rebuilding their lives. Tragically, in 2019, Maritza was assassinated at her home by armed groups, a gruesome reminder of the risks faced by land defenders. While it is necessary to raise awareness of the brave female indigenous leaders who have been silenced for their work, it is also vital to bring attention to other leaders who continue to strive for a better society despite the specter of violence which remains. 

Mercedes Tunubalá Velasco, known as “Minga,” is an Indigenous Misak leader from Silvia, Cauca. She was the first indigenous woman elected as a mayor of Silvia, a powerful achievement in a society where Indigenous women have long been marginalized. Growing up in a rural Misak community, Mercedes experienced systemic racism that portrayed indigenous peoples as “inferior” and denied them access to quality education, healthcare, and political opportunities, and not just that, but as a woman, she also faced gender-based discrimination, where leadership was traditionally reserved for men, and women’s voices were often dismissed as irrelevant or “weak.” When she announced her candidacy, many within and outside her community doubted her ability to lead, questioning whether an indigenous woman could manage a municipality or represent in national political systems. Despite these obstacles and doubts, Mercedes persevered through grassroots organizing, education, and her deep connection to Misak values. As mayor, she strengthened Indigenous governance, defended ancestral territories, promoted bilingual education, and created programs for women’s empowerment and economic development. She pushed for policies centered on indigenous autonomy rather than outside economic interests. Although she has faced resistance from sectors unwilling to accept indigenous leadership, her administration became a symbol of dignity, resilience, and hope, and she continues fighting for justice. 

Lejandrina Pastor is a powerful indigenous leader from the Wiwa community, known for her tireless defense of indigenous rights, women’s empowerment, and environmental protection. Growing up in a territory constantly threatened by armed conflict, land dispossession, and systemic racism, Lejandrina saw from a young age how indigenous peoples were pushed to the margins of society, but of course as a woman, she also faced gender-based discrimination within her own community, where leadership roles were traditionally dominated by men and women’s contributions were often minimized or overlooked. Many doubted her leadership abilities simply because she was a woman challenging cultural norms, forcing her to work twice as hard to gain respect and legitimacy, similar to what the other women had to do to prove themselves. Lejandrina emerged as a critical voice for indigenous autonomy, leading initiatives to defend ancestral lands, promote traditional governance, and educate younger generations in their cultural identity. She has played a key role in strengthening the Indigenous Guard, advocating for peaceful self-defense mechanisms, and creating spaces for women’s political participation. Lejandrina has also pushed for environmental justice, recognizing the deep spiritual connection between Indigenous peoples and their territories. Although she continues to face threats from armed groups and social exclusion, her leadership stands as a beacon of resilience, dignity, and hope for Indigenous and rural communities across Colombia. 

Celebrating the achievements of these women should inspire younger generations to continue fighting for justice and equality. These women have successfully led initiatives for education, healthcare, and the defense of indigenous jurisdiction and governance. By supporting their leadership, we strengthen movements for peace, environmental justice, and human rights. Ignoring their realities would mean allowing systemic violence and marginalization to continue. Ultimately, raising awareness about their bravery helps build a more inclusive, respectful, and equitable world for all, and this must be the objective. The stories of Mary Emilse, Cristina, Maritza, Mercedes, and Lejandrina remind us that Indigenous women are not only survivors of violence—they are creators of change, defenders of life, and powerful voices for justice. Their lives and legacies demonstrate the urgency of protecting indigenous rights and amplifying the leadership of women who are too often silenced. Recognizing their battles and triumphs is not only an act of justice but a necessary step toward building a more inclusive, peaceful, and respectful society for present and future generations. 

References: 

Sublime, L. (2025, February 11). Mary Emilse Domicó Bailarin: The skilled artisan whose murder highlights the threats faced by indigenous women. La Libertad Sublime. https://www.lalibertadsublime.com/post/mary-emilse-domic%C3%B3-bailarin-the-skilled-artisan-whose-murder-highlights-the-threats-faced-by-indige 

Mahtani, N., Mahtani, N., & Mahtani, N. (2024, March 13). Al menos 42 lideresas han sido asesinadas desde 2022 en Colombia. El País América. https://elpais.com/america-colombia/2024-03-13/al-menos-42-lideresas-han-sido-asesinadas-desde-2022-en-colombia.html 

Celi, Y. C. R., & Celi, Y. C. R. (n.d.). 70 líderes indígenas asesinadas en Colombia en 7 años: informe del CNTI. https://www.radionacional.co/actualidad/paz/70-lideres-indigenas-asesinadas-en-colombia-en-7-anos-informe-del-cnti 

Lideresas y defensoras en Colombia: Un legado de sueños, de luchas y de afectos que no vamos a callar. (2020, September 29). AWID. https://www.awid.org/es/noticias-y-an%C3%A1lisis/lideresas-y-defensoras-en-colombia-un-legado-de-suenos-de-luchas-y-de-afectos 

La resistencia dentro de la resistencia: ser mujer, indígena y lideresa. (n.d.). https://lapazenelterreno.com/especiales/defender-la-vida/lideresas-indigenas.html 

The Wayuu: hardships and resistance 

Article written by: Sebastián Gil, María Leonor Pinto, Estefanía Rodríguez 

The Wayuu are the largest Indigenous community in Colombia, with an estimated population of over 380,000 individuals, mainly residing in the La Guajira Peninsula, near the Venezuelan border (DANE, 2018). They are known for their matrilineal clan system, traditional weaving, and a spiritual worldview based on dreams and harmony with nature. Additionally, their language, Wayuunaiki, is still widely spoken, demonstrating a strong cultural continuity. Despite these cultural strengths, the Wayuu continue to face systemic neglect and marginalization. 

One of the most pressing issues affecting the Wayuu is the lack of access to clean water. For this reason the community and especially the health of their child population have been impacted.  According to Human Rights Watch (2020), over 4,700 Wayuu children under the age of five died between 2008 and 2020 due to malnutrition and preventable diseases. Much of this crisis has been linked to the operations of the El Cerrejón coal mine, one of the largest in Latin America, which is alleged to have diverted and polluted vital water sources like the Ranchería River. Environmental degradation has had a direct impact on the   community’s health and food security, especially for women and children. 

The Colombian government has been widely criticized for failing to fulfill its constitutional duty to protect Indigenous rights. Although international and national courts have issued rulings in favor of the Wayuu, such as the 2017 decision by Colombia’s Constitutional Court to restore water access, implementation has been slow and ineffective. Reports from Dejusticia (n.d.) highlight that corruption, bureaucratic inefficiency, and corporate pressure contribute to the ongoing violations. This neglect undermines Wayuu’s right to health, food, and a safe environment. 

Furthermore, Wayuu leaders who defend their territory and culture often face threats, criminalization, and violence. Karmen Ramírez, a Wayuu activist, has denounced state inaction regarding children’s deaths in La Guajira. Miguel Iván Ramírez and the late Jakeline Romero have faced intimidation for opposing mining projects. Deris Paz, an environmental defender, survived a gun attack in 2021, while Luis Misael Socarrás and Dulcy Cotes documented environmental abuses in the region. These cases reflect a broader pattern of persecution against Indigenous leaders in Colombia, where at least 114 social leaders were killed in 2023 alone (INDEPAZ, 2023). 

Despite these challenges, the Wayuu continue to organize and resist. Community networks have formed to monitor environmental impacts and demand accountability from the state and multinational corporations. Women play a leading role in defending ancestral territories and cultural identity. Their advocacy, supported by organizations like the Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (ONIC), has brought international attention to their plight and led to some protective measures, though often insufficient. 

The case of the Wayuu is emblematic of the broader Indigenous struggle for survival, dignity, and justice in Latin America. It highlights how cultural richness can coexist with extreme vulnerability when state and corporate interests prevail over human rights. Addressing the Wayuu’s situation requires not only legal reforms, but also genuine political will, international pressure, and a recognition of Indigenous autonomy. Their voices and knowledge systems must be central to any solution. 

References:

DANE (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística). Censo Nacional de Población y Vivienda 2018. 
https://www.dane.gov.co 

Human Rights Watch. Guajira Dying of Thirst: The Human Cost of Colombia’s Failure to Protect Wayuu Children. (2020) 
https://www.hrw.org/report/2020/03/03/guajira-dying-thirst/human-cost-colombias-failure-protect-wayuu-children 

Dejusticia (n.d.).(Centro de Estudios de Derecho, Justicia y Sociedad). “El Cerrejón y los derechos de los pueblos indígenas: una deuda histórica.” 
https://www.dejusticia.org 

Corte Constitucional de Colombia. Sentencia T-302 de 2017 sobre el derecho al agua y a la vida digna del pueblo Wayuu. 
https://www.corteconstitucional.gov.co 

INDEPAZ (Instituto de Estudios para el Desarrollo y la Paz). Informe de lideres y defensores asesinados 2023. 
https://indepaz.org.co 

ONIC (Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia) Informes y comunicados sobre derechos territoriales y culturales Wayuu. 
https://www.onic.org.co 

Amnistía Internacional. “Colombia: líderes indígenas en riesgo por defender sus territorios.” 
https://www.amnesty.org/es/latest/news/2021/08/colombia-wayuu-leaders-under-threat/ 

 The Price of Truth in Colombia – Journalist Social Leaders in Córdoba, Colombia 

Written by Carlos Acevedo, Mariana Arango, Maria Antonia Cormane & Alexandra Rosales.

In Colombia there are regions marked by violence, corruption, and state abandonment, and the role of journalists often transcends traditional reporting. Just like social leaders, they take center stage in the protection of human rights, environmental conservation, and exposing systems of corruption. These journalist-social leaders have emerged in violence-torn areas neglected by the government and infested with illegal armed groups. Their work has been essential in exposing the nexus of organized crime and questionable politics, which is afflicted by deep-rooted corruption. In this article, the cases of Rafael Moreno and Clodomiro Castilla, two journalists murdered in Córdoba for their investigations into corruption and organized crime, exemplify the role of journalists as social leaders in Colombia and highlight the profound impact their work has in defending democratic values in hostile environments. Their stories reflect both the power of independent journalism and the urgent need for effective protection and justice mechanisms. 

Clodomiro Castilla was born and raised in the department of Córdoba, a region in Colombia’s Caribbean region full of natural resources and extensive landmarks. But on the other hand, it is a region marked by political violence, paramilitarism, and entrenched corruption. From a young age, Clodomiro saw journalism as a tool for denouncing abuses and driving social change. He served as editor of the regional newspaper El Pulso del Tiempo and contributed to various national outlets. His sharp critical lens, editorial independence, and fearlessness made him a thorn in the side of powerful interests. 

During the 2000s, Castilla gained national recognition for his investigations into the infiltration of paramilitary groups in politics, especially during the high point of the “parapolitics” scandal, which revealed collusion between paramilitary commanders and elected officials. He exposed the connections between ex-paramilitary chief Salvatore Mancuso and several politicians from Córdoba, including governors and mayors. Castilla also reported on land dispossession, violence against social leaders, and systemic corruption in public institutions as well as daily discussing controversial topics that ultimately served as a bridge for all citizens to acquire information, making him a social leader in the process. Although he received constant death threats, he remained steadfast in his reporting. At one point, he was granted protection by the state, but it was inconsistently supplied and eventually withdrawn. 

On the night of March 19th, 2010, Clodomiro was shot dead outside his home in Montería while resting in his front yard. Two gunmen approached him and opened fire at close range. His murder sent shockwaves through Colombia’s journalistic community and served as a grim reminder of the risks faced by those who challenge the nexus of criminal power and politics. To this day, his murder remains unsolved, and progress in the case has been non-existent behind closed doors at the prosecutor’s office. 

Another important journalist that shaped Córdoba´s history is Rafael Moreno, who was a grassroots journalist and community advocate from the municipality of Montelíbano, in the south of Córdoba. Although he did not come from traditional media outlets, with time and effort he built his voice through alternative and citizen journalism. He founded “Voces de Córdoba”, a digital platform where he publishes investigations, community reports, and made public denunciations, becoming a crucial local figure in the fight against corruption. His reporting had a tangible impact. He gave a voice to voiceless, empowered citizens to speak out, and hekped organize community efforts to demand transparency. In doing so, he became more than a journalist, he became a social leader.

Despite receiving repeated death threats by different groups, Moreno’s requests for protection were met with institutional apathy and bureaucratic delays. On October 16th, 2022, he was murdered in broad daylight in his hometown. His killing sent a chilling message to independent journalists across the country and dealt a blow to the already fragile press freedom in Colombia’s peripheries. It also demonstrated that little had changed in the department and throughout Colombia in terms of journalists being able to carry out their work without having to fear for their lives. 

The cases of Clodomiro Castilla and Rafael Moreno demonstrate the critical role that journalist social leaders play in the defense of democratic principles, human rights, and public accountability in Colombia, particularly in regions historically affected by violence, corruption, and state abandonment. Both journalists engaged in investigative reporting that went beyond the scope of traditional media coverage, revealing structural issues such as political manipulation, links between elected officials and illegal armed groups, land dispossession, and environmental degradation caused by illegal economic activities. Their work provided visibility to the grievances of marginalized communities and contributed to the documentation of abuses often ignored by national institutions. 

The context in which these journalists operated was marked by systemic impunity, limited institutional protection, and the presence of organized criminal structures that exert influence over political and economic life. Despite repeated threats to their lives, both Castilla and Moreno continued to pursue their work, underscoring the commitment and risks faced by journalists in Colombia’s conflict-affected territories. Their deaths are emblematic of a broader pattern of violence against the press in the country, where journalists who challenge power are frequently met with threats, intimidation, and assassination, often without consequences for the perpetrators. 

Furthermore, the legacy of Castilla and Moreno highlights the intersection between journalism and social leadership. Their investigative work not only exposed wrongdoings but also inspired civic participation and demanded institutional accountability. While journalists may not receive more protection than social leaders, they are often granted specific measures such as bodyguards, bulletproof vests, armored vehicles, or relocation assistance tailored to the nature of the threats they face, and their cases often receive heightened visibility at the national and international levels to the point where national and international organizations have cited their cases as examples of the dangers facing reporters in high-risk zones and as reminders of the urgent need to enforce protection mechanisms and justice processes.

In summary, the stories of Clodomiro Castilla and Rafael Moreno reflect the deeper struggles within Colombian society regarding freedom of expression, the protection of civil society actors, and the consolidation of a democratic system capable of safeguarding those who seek to expose the truth. In Córdoba, Colombia, figures like these have emerged not only as reporters but also as social leaders. They used their voices to advocate for the public good, defend human rights, and push back against an established order. Their courageous efforts placed them at the heart of social movements, where revealing the truth can come with life-threatening risks. Their contributions remain a point of reference in ongoing discussions about press freedom, transitional justice, and the role of independent media in conflict and post-conflict contexts. Castilla and Moreno are just two of the multitude of cases in Colombia where lives have been taken simply for speaking out—a fundamental right enshrined in our constitution. 

References:  

International Service for Human Rights. (2025). International Service for Human Rights. https://ishr.ch/   

Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa. (2020, July 4). El Estado ante la violencia contra la prensa. https://flip.org.co/publicaciones/otras-publicaciones?item=el-estado-ante-la-violencia-contra-la-prensa  

Fundación Paz & Reconciliación. (2020, February 12). Some insights into the murder of Clodomiro Castilla. https://www.pares.com.co/post/algunas-luces-sobre-el-asesinato-de-clodomiro-castilla  

Duque, C. J. (2010, April 8). Clodomiro Castilla: A crime at the heart of democratic security. Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo. https://www.colectivodeabogados.org/clodomiro-castilla-un-crimen-en-las-entranas-de-la-seguridad-democratica/  

Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa. (2017, May 17). Clodomiro Segundo Castilla Ospina. https://flip.org.co/pronunciamientos/clodomiro-segundo-castilla-ospina 

Committee to Protect Journalists. (n.d.). Rafael Emiro Moreno Garavito. https://cpj.org/data/people/rafael-emiro-moreno-garavito/ 

Duque, C. J. (2022, September 19). Rafael Moreno: La sombra de las elecciones regionales en Córdoba. Universidad de Bogotá Jorge Tadeo Lozano. https://www.utadeo.edu.co/es/articulo/crossmedialab/277626/rafael-moreno-la-sombra-de-las-elecciones-regionales-en-cordoba 

The decline (and hopes for revitalization) of native languages in the Americas 

Written By:  María Angelica Alcalá, Alejandro Jiménez, Nadia Olivares 

There are more than 7,000 languages in the world, but many of them are disappearing. According to UNESCO (2023), nearly 40% of these languages are endangered, most of them Indigenous, and every two weeks, one language disappears, taking with it an entire worldview. Languages are not only words; they are also living systems that embody collective memory, identity, and relationships with nature. In other words, this loss represents not only the disappearance of words but also the vanishing of ancestral knowledge related to ecosystems, medicine, spirituality, and oral traditions. Today, Indigenous languages in the Americas are in danger due to factors such as globalization, migration, and the dominance of global languages such as English and Spanish. Examples of this linguistic loss include Quechua in South America, Náhuatl in Mexico, and many other Native languages in North America. This article aims to raise awareness of the situation of Colombia’s Indigenous peoples, while also connecting it to a global issue faced by many nations. As Irarrázabal & Vinet (2020) point out, the survival of Indigenous languages depends on dismantling linguistic ideologies that view them as inferior or outdated.

This danger is still very much present in Canada, for instance, where Indigenous communities have experienced severe cultural disruption and trauma because of government policies, residential schools, and the forcible separation of Indigenous children from their families (Toth, 2022). These practices have historically hindered the transmission of languages across generations. However, as a fundamental part of their identity, Indigenous peoples are still striving to preserve and revitalize their languages despite these obstacles. Thanks to innovative approaches like community-based learning, digital education, and federal programs, there is hope for language preservation today. To serve the survival of these languages and the cultures they represent for future generations, it is imperative that we comprehend the past and assist Indigenous leadership in these endeavors.

In Colombia, the situation is complex. The country recognizes 68 native languages: 65 Indigenous, 2 Creole, and 1 Romani, but most are endangered (Ministerio de Cultura, s. f.). Historically, bilingualism among Indigenous peoples has been shaped by power asymmetries and colonization, which imposed Spanish as the dominant language (Alarcón, 2007). Uribe-Jongbloed and Anderson (2014) explain that Colombian policies toward Indigenous and minority languages have been inconsistent, oscillating between recognition and neglect. Although the 1991 Constitution and Law 1381 of 2010 formally protect linguistic diversity, their implementation remains weak, especially in education. According to Alarcón (2007), the lack of trained teachers and materials in Indigenous languages has limited true bilingual education, leaving many communities without institutional support. 

Despite these challenges, several communities are actively revitalizing their languages. The Wayuu people in La Guajira have promoted Wayuunaiki through local radio and bilingual schools (Ministerio de Cultura, s. f.). The Nasa in Cauca are recovering Nasa Yuwe through intercultural educational programs, and other groups, such as the Kichwa and Kamëntsá in Putumayo, use digital platforms to teach and document their language practices (Uribe-Jongbloed & Anderson, 2014). These actions demonstrate how Indigenous knowledge and technology can work together to strengthen linguistic resilience.

Irarrázabal and Vinet (2020) emphasize that linguistic revitalization must confront the ideology that privileges global languages and marginalizes Indigenous voices. Changing such perceptions requires recognizing these languages as part of a living and diverse cultural heritage rather than as remnants of the past. In this sense, the role of Colombia’s Ministry of Culture (s. f.) through its Vice Minister of Heritage, Memories and Cultural Governance is essential in supporting community-led initiatives, training, and cultural transmission.

In closing, the disappearance of Indigenous languages isn’t simply a matter of words fading; it signifies a deep cultural crisis that erodes identity, memory, and the rights of entire communities. From the moment Indigenous peoples across North America and Colombia were uprooted, discriminated against, or forced to assimilate, the flow of ancestral knowledge was interrupted. Yet there is hope: through education led by Indigenous communities, digital tools for revitalization, and governmental initiatives that truly work alongside these efforts, language recovery is within reach. Safeguarding these languages means preserving cultural richness and making sure that the children of tomorrow can inherit their traditions, stories, and ways of seeing the world. Ultimately, standing up for Indigenous languages means taking a stand for human rights, for cultural heritage, and for the very essence of our shared humanity.

References: 

Alarcón, W. D. (2007). Indigenous Bilingualism in Colombia. GIST – Education and Learning Research Journal, (1), 24–38. Retrieved from https://latinjournal.org/index.php/gist/article/view/567 

Cisternas Irarrázabal, C., & Olate Vinet, A. (2020). Linguistic Ideologies About American Indigenous Languages: A Systematic Review of Research Articles. Íkala, Revista De Lenguaje Y Cultura, 25(3), 755–773. https://doi.org/10.17533/udea.ikala.v25n03a09 

Ministerio de Cultura. (s. f.). Viceministerio de los Patrimonios, las Memorias y Gobernanza. Cultural. https://www.mincultura.gov.co/despacho/Paginas/viceministerios/viceministerio-de-los-patrimonios-las-memorias-y-gobernanza-cultural.aspx 

Toth, K. (2022, January 19). The death and revival of Indigenous languages. Harvard International Review. https://hir.harvard.edu/the-death-and-revival-of-indigenous-languages/ 

UNESCO. (2023). World Atlas of Languages: Global Report on Linguistic Diversity. UNESCO Publishing. 

Uribe Jongbloed, E., & Anderson, C. E. (2014). Indigenous and minority languages in Colombia: The current situation. Zeszyty Luzyckie, 48. https://www.academia.edu/11777029/Zeszyty_%C5%81u%C5%BCyckie_48_2014 

The Embera Katio: A 45-year account of Violence 

Written by: Emanuel Bolaño, Dako Estévez & Lina Yepes

What happens when people are forced to abandon their lands, their culture and surrender to the disappearance of their identity due to the structural violence that strikes the country and its most remote, yet naturally rich territories? The history of the Emberá Katio people offers a clear example of how forced displacement, and the existence of power vacuums have shaped the experience of this indigenous community for decades.  

The acts of violence and displacement towards the Emberá Katío indigenous community have been present since 1980 with the resurgence of illegal armed groups, narcotrafficking operations, mining initiatives, agricultural expansion, infrastructure construction and other development projects carried out without consultation in their territories. This community principally inhabits the departments of Chocó, Antioquia, and Córdoba. These lands, extremely rich in raw materials like oil, and precious metals like gold, are often a target for conflict since illegal groups are highly interested in controlling these territories due to the economic potential they represent. This leaves the Emberá communities vulnerable and in need of the surveillance and protection of the state. However, the state has not fulfilled its role satisfactorily, which makes it easier for armed actors such as guerrilla groups or other criminal structures to harass them through massacres, recruitment, confinements, and food insecurity, among others. 

 Therefore, this population has been forced to migrate from their territory to the closest cities, where they could find shelter. But this displacement guides them to an extreme state of poverty, as they are not provided with enough resources to live in proper conditions nor to integrate into society. Alternatively, returning to their home is not currently an option due to the threats they face and for this reason, this text will address the causes and consequences of this situation that has been going on for decades.  

For a long time, there have been records of the enormous harm and suffering experienced by Indigenous communities. In May 2000 alone, the Colombian Army carried out a bombing and air strike attack using helicopters and airplanes over the community of Alto Guayabal, followed by the invasion of ground troops under the pretext of combating guerrilla forces. As a result, the community was forced to flee to neighboring safeguards. On that occasion, at least three people disappeared, and many were killed, and to this day, more than two decades later, no further information has been obtained regarding their whereabouts. During the same military operations, eight Indigenous tambos (homes) were burned, and food supplies, kitchen utensils, and livestock were stolen, representing a major scar among many that the Colombian state left in its attempt to simulate a military victory at the cost of innocent lives. 

Furthermore, there was the muerder of Luciano Domicó, an indigenous leader who safeguarded the rights of his community by fighting for policies that guaranteed health, education and the preservation of their culture. In addition to this work, Lucindo founded community schools in Pawarandó in 1991 and Beguidó in 1993. Later in 1997 he became elected as general secretary and health coordinator of the council. Lucindo was a strong opponent of the construction of the Urrá Dam, a massive infrastructure project which greatly impacted indigenous communities in the Alto Sinú region where it was constructed. On one occasion, he made a public declaration in the governors assembly from the Emberá Katío, highlighting the concern about the threats and assassinations taking place in the Alto Sinú and claiming their distress was due to the fact that the project would cause the water and fish to disappear due to a project that would do more harm than good. Because of his speaking out in defense of the rights of his community and its territory, Lucindo was later killed on April 24th, 1999.

Additionally, there was the case of Kimy Pernía Domicó, also known as “El Guardián del Río” (the River Guardian), which also demonstrates the acts of violence from armed groups outside of the law towards social leaders. According to the Center of Memory, Peace, and Reconciliation (2022), Kimy dedicated his life to defending the Sinú, Esmeralda, Verde and Cruz Grande rivers, which were protected by the Emberá Katío in Córdoba. He promoted multiple reports and demonstrations on the risks posed by the Urrá Dam project, which relied on water supplies from rivers originating in indigenous lands. Despite this, the dam was put into function and brought negative effects to many species, in addition to the well-being of members of the Embera community, many of whom were forcibly displaced from their lands. Furthermore, Kimy was later disappeared and murdered by paramilitaries on June 2nd 2001, as the former AUC paramilitary commander Salvatore Mancuso would later admit (Truth Commission, 2020).  

Overall, the displacement and oppression has resulted in poverty, the loss of ancestral territories, cultural disintegration, and mental health issues among the Embera community. It has also left a huge scar on their heritage, as they struggle to adapt to urban environments and confront multiple challenges due to systematic violence. The community’s traditional knowledge and practices are at risk, highlighting the need for policies that support their cultural identity and rights. While the Embera Katío community faces these severe issues, some scholars argue that their resilience and traditional knowledge should play a crucial role in their adaptation and survival in new environments. This perspective emphasizes the importance of integrating indigenous knowlegde into broader social policies to support displaced communities.

References

Área de Gestión Documental. (s. f.). 22 años sin Lucindo Domicó, un líder Embera que dio la vida por defender su territorio. https://www.coljuristas.org/sala_de_prensa/22-annos-sin-lucindo-domico-un-lider-embera-que-dio-la-vida-por-defender-su-territorio#:~:text=Bogot%C3%A1%2C%2024%20de%20abril%20de,le%20dispararon%20en%20repetidas%20ocasiones. 

Biodiversidad en América Latina y el Caribe. (2010) (s.f.). Colombia: Desmilitarización de la selva de los Emberá Katío ¡YA!. https://www.biodiversidadla.org/Campanas-y-Acciones/Colombia_Desmilitarizacion_de_la_selva_de_los_Embera_Katio_YA 

Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación. (2023, 9 mayo). “Kimy, el guardián del río”, una historia animada para niñas y niños – Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación. http://centromemoria.gov.co/kimy-el-guardian-del-rio-una-historia-animada-para-ninas-y-ninos/  

Comisión de Verdad. (2020, October 23rd). “Salvatore Mancuso reconoce haber asesinado al líder indígena Kimy Pernía Domicó”. Retrieved from https://web.comisiondelaverdad.co/actualidad/noticias/salvatore-mancuso-reconoce-haber-asesinado-al-lider-indigena-kimy-pernia-domico 

Contraloría General de la República de Colombia. (2015, 18 agosto). Situación la comunidad indígena Embera Katio [Vídeo]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VzB6dOVHwGM  

Noticias Caracol. (2014, 3 marzo). Hacinados, así viven indígenas embera katío que huyen de la violencia – 3 de Marzo de 2014 [Vídeo]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WNwWRU4nUPA  

Noticias Caracol. (2019, 28 abril). Indígenas de Chocó huyen de violencia o padecen hambre y enfermedades por violencia [Vídeo]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lLTL5pxCEp4  

Vista de Los aborígenes colombianos y las paradojas del desarrollo: el caso de los emberá katíos del Alto Sinú        | Hallazgos. (s.f.). https://revistas.usantotomas.edu.co/index.php/hallazgos/article/view/741/Los%20abor%C3%ADgenes%20colombianos%20y%20las%20paradojas%20%20del%20desarrollo%3A%20el%20c  

Webmaster. (2024, 10 mayo). Unidad para las Víctimas caracterizó 297 hogares Emberá asentados en el Parque Nacional. Unidad Para las Víctimas. https://www.unidadvictimas.gov.co/unidad-para-las-victimas-caracterizo-297-hogares-embera-asentados-en-el-parque-nacional/#:~:text=En%20total%20se%20caracteriz%C3%B3%20a,de%20la%20comunidad%20Ember%C3%A1%20Kat%C3%ADo

Building Peace Through Diversity -The Resilience of Social Leaders in the Colombian Pacific 

Written by: Carolina Arteta, María Gabriela Barraza, Elaine González & María Fernanda Meneses 

Stretching along Colombia’s western coast, the Pacific region is one of the most culturally rich and environmentally diverse areas in the country. Yet, behind its green landscapes and vibrant communities lies a long history of abandonment, inequality, and violence. This region, home largely to Afro-Colombian and Indigenous populations, continues to suffer from weak state presence and deeply rooted power disparities, conditions that have turned it into one of the most dangerous places for those who dare to lead and defend their communities. 

In recent years, the assassination of social leaders in the Colombian Pacific has become a tragic and urgent reality. These killings are far from isolated acts of violence; they are part of a broader and more complex pattern in which the legacy of armed conflict, the continued influence of authoritarian local powers, and the lack of effective state protection all converge. This text seeks to raise awareness of these threats by highlighting not only their political and structural roots, but also the human stories behind the statistics. 

Following the 2016 peace agreement, hope briefly flourished in many corners of Colombia. But in the Pacific region, peace remained elusive. Social leaders deeply rooted in their communities, defending land, rights, and dignity, have faced increased threats. Their work disrupts the interests of local elites and illegal armed actors who benefit from disorder and silence. In this context, defending peace becomes a dangerous act of resistance. 

Many of these leaders are linked to progressive political movements and community organizing efforts, which makes them particularly vulnerable. Their visibility and commitment to change often paint a target on their backs. The violence they face is not random; it is political, deliberate, and sustained by the fear of losing control among those who hold power through informal and often violent means. 

State absence further deepens the crisis. In the Pacific, government institutions are often distant or dysfunctional, leaving entire communities exposed to the control of illegal groups. This vacuum allows local power networks to expand their influence without restraint, while those who oppose them, like social leaders, pay the highest price. Understanding this dynamic is key not just to documenting injustice, but to imagining a path forward where peace is truly inclusive and sustainable. 

The story of Elizabeth Moreno Barco gives a face to this struggle. As a leader from Togoromá, San Juan, Chocó, she has spent over two decades defending the rights of Afro-Colombian and Indigenous peoples. In 2013, when violence forced her to leave her home, she did not stop. Instead, she channeled her pain into action by participating in peace dialogues and mediating between armed actors. Consequently, her courage has earned her international recognition, including the Nansen Refugee Award and the title of National Human Rights Defender of the Year in 2023. 

Elizabeth’s story, like that of so many others, is one of resilience, dignity, and unwavering commitment. Indeed, these leaders are not just defenders; they are guardians of their territories, voices of their people, and pillars of peace. Therefore, raising awareness about the dangers they face is not an academic exercise; it is a moral and political imperative. Ultimately, their protection is not only a matter of human rights, but also a condition for the future of peace in Colombia. 

References 

Semana. (2025, marzo 24). Líderes sociales del Pacífico. https://www.semana.com/noticias/lideres-sociales-del-pacifico/ 

Colombia Informa. (2018, julio 3). [Especial] En el Pacífico persiste el conflicto armado. https://www.colombiainforma.info/especial-en-el-pacifico-persiste-el-conflicto-armado/ 

ACNUR. (2023, octubre 5). Defensora de derechos humanos colombiana desafía el peligro para salvar vidas y apoyar a su comunidad. https://www.acnur.org/noticias/historias/defensora-de-derechos-humanos-colombiana-desafia-el-peligro-para-salvar-vidas-y 

 

Kimy Pernía Domicó: A Voice of Resistance for Indigenous Rights and the Defense of Territory in Córdoba, Colombia.

Written by: Nicoll Orozco, David Lubo & Daniel Delgado

Known for his willingness to raise awareness and protect the indigenous rights and nature importance, Kimy Pernía Domicó, was an indigenous leader of the Embera Katío community in Córdoba, Colombia. This significant leader was characterized by his tenet based on the bravery and courage, as he openly opposed to the construction of the Urrá hydroelectric dam in his department and led a movement to raise defense and resistance against the project. That project meant exploitation and transformation of the territory, but also a change of the sociocultural structure that they lived on, their cosmovision, as well as the environmental impact and the lack of prior consultation to the community (Censat Agua Viva, 2023). Also, on June 2 of 2001, Kim Pernía Domicó was abducted and murdered by paramilitaries, as in 2007, Salvatore Mancuso acknowledged his responsibility on his murder. He claimed that it was Carlos Castaño’s order, argumenting it was for opposing the Urrá project (Comisión de la Verdad Colombia, 2020).

How did this happen?

On June 2nd of 2001, Kimy was leaving the headquarters of the Cabildo Mayor Embera Katí in Tierralta, and was detained by members of the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC) and forced to ride a motorcycle. After that incident, nothing was heard from him. His gesture of resistance in the very frontline of the Urrá hydroelectric dam project that had displaced his Indigenous community and annihilated sacred ecosystems, resulted in his death. The clash between Indigenous survival and the control that the paramilitary group AUC tried to impose over the territory of the Embera, represents the overlap of two different worldviews that culminated with hundreds of disappeared, displaced and assassinated people.

What measures were taken?

Due to his disappearance, national and international human rights organizations took the state before the court of justice, even though the state initially refused to acknowledge its participation, investigations later clarified that the state merged paths with paramilitary forces. The battle for Kimy’s legacy brought public pressure, global outrage, and the acknowledgment that his murder was not an isolated case, but one of a cruel and large list of violent attacks on Indigenous defenders whose tenet is to take care of the nature and its sacred places. Many years later, during Colombia’s process of transitional justice, ex-paramilitary leader Salvatore Mancuso admitted having ordered Kimy’s murder on the orders of paramilitary commander Carlos Castaño. Mancuso confessed that the assassination had been plotted in compliance with parts of the national Colombian army. This confession provided Kimy’s case new legal framework and helped to enshrine his story in the minds of Colombians as a brutal crime in which the state participated.

The Path to Reconciliation for the Embera Community As Salvatore Mancuso acknowledged his responsibility for the murder of Kimy Pernía Domicó and asked for forgiveness, he also declared it a state crime, explained the state never consulted them about the construction of the Urrá I project. He described how they systematically took actions to weaken the community, such as preventing them from bringing food to their community, throwing their canoes into the river, and accusing them of supporting the guerrilla groups by bringing them food (Comisión de la Verdad Colombia, 2020). which was a significant aspect for them and allowed for some closure after years of uncertainty. By admitting his role and mistakes, the reconciliation process emerged, and the symbolism of “non-repetition” became a genuine intention, with the goal to materialize it. This conversation was Martha Cecilia Domicó’s was the outcome of years of patience and hope to know the truth, that extends to her community as a step to stop suffering and end the violence. (Comisión de la Verdad Colombia, 2020)

What does this case teach us about indigenous rights and internal conflict in Colombia?

Kimy’s life reminds us that Indigenous peoples should not only be granted rights on paper, but that those rights must be upheld in practice. His resistance assures us that Indigenou communities must have full legal standing when they are fighting to protect their land and culture. His story points to the deep surge of global Indigenous movements calling for justice, sovereignty, and recognition. “His life and legacy invite us to reflect deeply on the transformative power of collective action and remind us that change is possible when we unite in solidarity and persevere in defending our ideals” (Censat, 2023). His legacy instills the credo that to save nature is to save mankind. His death was tragic, yet his voice endures, echoing through mountains and rivers and against the plight of those still following along the path he had a hand in opening. Kimy’s case shows how the armed conflict has served as an excuse to silence uncomfortable voices, perpetuate impunity, and weaken the defense of collective rights in rural and indigenous areas of the country. This reflects the institutional weakness of the Colombian state in guaranteeing the protection of these leaders and the lack of political will to investigate and punish those responsible.

Conclusion

Kimy Pernía Domicó’s case exposes the connection between persistent Indigenous rights violations and Colombia’s internal armed conflict. Economic interests and violence have traditionally combined to silence people that defend the land, as demonstrated by his assassination, which was ordered by paramilitary forces and finally recognized as a state crime. Kimy fought against the construction of the dam, but he also fought against an entire system of exploitation, displacement, and exclusion. His legacy demands a change based on justice, truth, and genuine restoration and exposing the Colombian state’s problems in safeguarding Indigenous communities. In the end, his life and words serve as a constant reminder that any vision of peace must include protecting the environment and Indigenous rights.

References
Censat Agua Viva. (2023, 2 de junio). Kimy Pernía: un legado de lucha, dignidad y
solidaridad. https://censat.org/kimy-pernia/


Comisión de la Verdad Colombia. (2020). Salvatore Mancuso reconoce haber asesinado al
líder indígena Kimy Pernía Domicó. Comisión De La Verdad Colombia.
https://web.comisiondelaverdad.co/actualidad/noticias/salvatore-mancuso-reconocehaber-asesinado-al-lider-indigena-kimy-pernia-domic

Beyond visibility: Indigenous women leaders and the fight for justice in Colombia.   

Written by: Camacho Melissa, Danies María, Sosa Daniela .

Historically, women have been marginalized simply for being women; but imagine the layered discrimination faced by a woman who is indigenous, and also a social leader. This is where the concept of intersectionality becomes essential. Intersectionality was coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989) and the term refers to how different types of discrimination merge and affect people, and how identity factors such as race, gender, sexuality, and class intersect to shape advantage or disadvantage in society. For us, it is important to highlight the case of Fany Kuiru Castro because she does not fit with the stereotype of most activists that fight for the rights of indigenous communities. She is a leader of the Uitoto (Murui-Muina) people from the

Colombian Amazon. She studied law and later obtained a master ‘s degree in International Political Studies. From a young age, she has been committed to defending Indigenous rights and protecting the environment. Her work with the “Organización Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas de la Amazonía Colombiana” (National Organization of the Indigenous Peoples of the Colombian Amazon or OPIAC for its initials in Spanish) focused particularly on supporting women and families, promoting gender equity within Indigenous communities. The fulfillment of her objectives as an activist makes her a rarity in a context full of violence and persecution for those who seek to protect a social cause such as hers.

In 2023, Kuiru made history by becoming the first woman elected as General Coordinator of COICA (Coordinator of Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon River Basin), an organization that represents more than 500 Indigenous nations across nine countries. Her leadership has helped unify Amazonian communities and promote the active participation of Indigenous women in decision-making spaces. Through her efforts, she has defended ancestral territories, biodiversity, and cultural heritage, inspiring new generations and emphasizing the vital role of Indigenous voices in global environmental discussions.

However, the beginnings of her career were not always the most ideal. The inspiration behind this leader’s path in social activism was shaped by the context in which she grew up, as she would hear daily about how the rubber genocide that occurred in Putumayo at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century had affected her community. This motivated her to study

law in order to defend her people. This event is known as one of the most atrocious acts suffered by the Uitoto community, as they were subjected to conditions of slavery, forced labor, torture, sexual violence, and mass killings for the benefit of rubber extraction companies such as the Peruvian Amazon Company. But the threats faced by the Uitoto and other indigenous communities of the Amazon, are not consigned to the past. Kuiru has spoken about the responsibilities that the international community, the Colombian people, and the national government should assume in the task of preserving the largest rainforest on Earth. Despite the recognition of Indigenous rights in the 1991 Constitution, the Amazon region continues to be marginalized in peace and reparation processes. Furthermore, the presence of illegal armed groups, such as FARC dissidents, worsens the situation of violence and forced displacement in the area.

In view of this situation, Kiuru has made multiple complaints to the international community and the national government about how the indigenous communities and Mother Earth have been left aside. She says: “Human rights have been systematically violated, and crimes against humanity have been normalized—such as forced disappearances, extrajudicial executions, massacres, displacement, coercive or forced recruitment into armed groups, and sexual violence committed by illegal armed actors.” In 2023 alone, ONIC’s annual report showed that more than 58,000 Indigenous men and women from different ethnic groups suffered serious human rights violations, such as harassment, being forced to stay in their territories, being displaced, and not receiving humanitarian aid. More than 90% of the cases remain in impunity, showing that the justice system is not working properly.

Also, thanks to Kuiru’s international visibility, she has perhaps been afforded a layer of protection that many other social leaders—particularly women in rural areas—do not have. One stark contrast can be seen in the case of Juana Perea Plata, a Colombian environmental activist and tourism entrepreneur who was murdered in Nuquí, Chocó, in 2020. Perea had openly opposed the construction of a port project that threatened delicate coastal ecosystems. Her assassination, attributed to an illegal armed group, exposed the vulnerability of defenders without institutional backing. Although a suspect was arrested, the judicial process has been slow and justice remains elusive.

Unlike Kuiru, Perea was not affiliated with a major organization, which left her more exposed. The difference between their situations highlights a broader pattern: many environmental and social leaders in Colombia are killed while working in isolation, without visibility or adequate protection. Kuiru’s case underscores the importance of strong networks and international attention but also raises a deeper concern—that safety should not depend on recognition, but on guaranteed rights and state protection.

The situation of social leaders in Colombia is, in general, highly worrying. The particular case of Fany Kuiru is not the norm, possibly because international recognition and affiliation with major organizations such as COICA can provide social leaders with a greater degree of protection (though this does not always guarantee the safety of activists it must be said). As we have seen, on the other hand, there are cases like that of Juana Perea Plata (who represents the majority) that face persecution that often ends in their assassination. Unfortunately, due to the lack of international visibility and institutional support, social leaders and environmental activists suffer discrimination for their race, gender, and sexuality, and they are often threatened, intimidated, and murdered. The power vacuum in terms of state absence, the lack of protection offered, and the preference given to a western worldview over other ways of interpreting the world and nature often means that leaders are seen as an easy target for those who impose their selfish interests on others.

References

Coica, C. (2024, 2 octubre). CONOCE a NUESTRA LIDER y COORDINADORA

GENERAL FANY KUIRU CASTRO. COICA. https://coicamazonia.org/fany/

Samie, & August. (2025, 18 marzo). Intersectionality | Definition, Kimberle Crenshaw, History, Applications, Criticism, & Facts. Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/intersectionality

Semana, R. (2023, 31 mayo). La lideresa indígena colombiana que escribió en prestigioso medio internacional para alertar sobre situación del Amazonía. Semana.com Últimas Noticias de Colombia y el Mundo.

https://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/la-lideresa-indigena-colombiana-que-escribio-en-presti gio-medio-internacional-para-alertar-sobre-situacion-del-amazonia/202310/

Tarazona, D. (2024, 5 febrero). Colombia: nuevo informe revela que más de 58 mil pobladores indígenas fueron víctimas de violencia en el 2023. Noticias Ambientales.

https://es.mongabay.com/2024/02/colombia-nuevo-informe-revela-que-mas-de-58-mil-pobladore s-indigenas-fueron-victimas-de-violencia-en-el-2023/

Narciso Beleño: A Legacy of Resistance and Justice for the Rural Communities of Bolívar.

Originally published Dec 13, 2024.

Narciso Beleño was a renowned rural leader who fought for the rights of communities in the south of Bolívar 

Article written by Shadia Arango, Maria Isabel Mariano & Josue Urueta 

The situation of social leaders in Colombia is critical, as they face significant risks and violence while advocating for their communities. Orbegozo (2021) implies that social leaders are typically understood as local activists representing various civil organizations, such as community councils or action boards. They also include human rights and environmental activists who mobilize communities, implement policies, and demand state services in their territories. Their role is crucial in initiating and sustaining collective action within their communities. Some data sources, such as Reliefweb (2024), mention that, in 2023, 168 social leaders and human rights defenders were killed, and there were 1,732 recorded attacks against them from 2022 to March 2024. According to Human Rights Watch (2024), there have been over 1,700 social leaders murdered in Colombia since the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC guerrilla group. The violence is particularly acute in rural regions, areas that have long suffered from an absence of true state presence. This situation is repeated across nearly all 32 departments in Colombia.   

One such example is the department of Bolívar, where the presence of armed groups has meant a long legacy of violence associated with the armed conflict and has led to an alarming increase in displacement. In 2023, 145,049 individuals were displaced nationwide, with Bolívar experiencing a 94% increase compared to the previous year (International Committee of the Red Cross, 2024). As stated by Indepaz (2024), in Colombia, the departments with the highest number of social leader murders are Cauca (27 deaths) and Valle del Cauca (17 deaths), with Cauca consistently reported as the most dangerous region for social activism. Bolívar ranks third in this grim tally, where 8 social leaders have been murdered during the same period. This alarming trend highlights the ongoing violence and risks faced by those advocating for human rights and social justice in these regions, particularly in areas heavily influenced by armed groups and criminal organizations, reflecting the persistent threats to human rights defenders in Colombia’s most volatile territories. This text will explore this dynamic by focusing on the admiral work and tragic murder of one such leader.  

The challenges faced by social leaders in Colombia are exemplified by Narciso Beleño, a leader born in San Martín de Loba, in the rural heart of Bolívar. Beleño grew up working as a farmer and muleteer, confronting the hardships that rural communities endure from an early age. His awareness of the injustices and neglect suffered by his community drove him to action in the 1990s, when he organized and founded Agromisbol, later known as ‘Federación Agrominera del Sur de Bolívar’ (Fedeagrobismol). According to the National Center for Historical Memory (2024), Fedeagrobismol is now one of the oldest and most significant organizations in the Magdalena Medio region, with over twenty years of advocacy for peasant rights. Fedeagrobismol, composed mainly of peasants and artisanal miners, operates across nine municipalities in southern Bolívar, from Cantagallo to Tiquisio. It is structured into four subregions, or zonal teams, to enhance its territorial reach and advocacy efforts. This structure enables Fedeagrobismol to represent and support local communities in defending their rights against threats from large-scale mining and armed groups. Over the years, the organization has emerged as a powerful symbol of resistance and a space for regional and national dialogue, participating in events like the Congress of Peoples and establishing the Southern Bolívar Interlocution Commission, a critical platform for dialogue between peasant communities and the national government.  

The historical context of Bolívar is marked by conflict and violence stemming from armed groups vying for territorial control. Narciso Beleño was deeply involved in processes that advocated for agrarian reform and defended peasant rights against these threats. Under his leadership, Fedeagrobismol became a stronghold against large-scale mining operations that threatened both the environment and local communities. Beleño’s public denunciations against illegal mining practices and the extortion imposed by armed groups reflect his commitment to social justice. Fedeagrobismol’s areas of focus reflect Narciso Beleño’s vision for the fundamental rights of his community: the defense of land and territory, the right to a dignified life, the preservation of historical memory, human rights, and environmental respect against extractive practices. It is pertinent to highlight that this vision aligns closely with several Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 16 on promoting peace, justice, and strong institutions; SDG 1 on ending poverty; SDG 5 on achieving gender equality; SDG 11 on fostering inclusivity; and SDG 13 on combating climate change. Social leaders like Beleño play a crucial role in advocating for these goals within their communities by promoting human rights while also pushing for sustainable practices that protect their environment. They represent fundamental pillars of cohesion and commitment at the local, regional, and national levels.  

In recent years, under Beleño’s leadership as president, Fedeagrobismol has become a stronghold of resistance against large-scale mining, particularly gold extraction, which threatens to devastate both the environment and the social fabric of southern Bolívar. It is important to distinguish between the types of resource exploitation that exist in the department of Bolívar—such as artisanal, ancestral, and informal mining—in order to understand the role that communities play. Artisanal mining, in particular, is a small-scale activity based on traditional, manual practices, in which local communities extract resources in a limited manner and without heavy machinery, thus reducing its environmental impact and supporting the livelihoods of these populations. This practice is quite different from large-scale mining, which is typically controlled by large companies and involves the use of heavy machinery, toxic chemicals, and invasive techniques to extract substantial amounts of minerals. Unlike artisanal mining, large-scale mining has a significant environmental impact, leading to issues such as river pollution, deforestation, and the displacement of communities, profoundly disrupting the ecological and social balance of the region. There is also the issue of illegal mining, which differs from large-scale mining in its lack of formal approval and in terms of scale. However, this practice also causes a huge amount of environmental damage as it employs similar approaches to the practice of extraction in terms of its use of heavy machinery and chemicals such as mercury in its process.  While mining represents a clear threat to the environment, residents in the region also face danger due to armed actors.  

  Resource exploitation is not the only issue in the region; there is also the presence of armed groups like the Gulf Clan/AGC, dissidents of the demobilized FARC, and the ELN, which are currently vying for territorial control. These illegal organizations seek to dominate this strategically located and resource-rich area, which connects the Caribbean, Antioquia, and eastern Colombia. Understanding the implications of this conflict, Narciso Beleño publicly denounced the abuses and extortion faced by communities at the hands of these groups. They not only profit from illegal mining but also impose extortion fees on local miners. According to Vorágine, the ELN and dissidents demand 5% of the extracted gold, while the Gulf Clan/AGC imposes a fee of 15%. Additionally, these groups promote mining in areas that Fedeagrobismol has designated as natural reserves, where mining is prohibited due to its significant ecological and cultural value. Understanding the implications of this conflict, Narciso Beleño publicly denounced the abuses and extortion faced by communities at the hands of these groups. They not only profit from illegal mining but also impose extortion fees on local miners. According to Vorágine, the ELN and dissidents demand 5% of the extracted gold, while the Gulf Clan/AGC imposes a fee of 15%. Additionally, these groups promote mining in areas that Fedeagrobismol has designated as natural reserves, where mining is prohibited due to its significant ecological and cultural value.  

In raising his voice against injustice, Narciso Beleño became the target of death threats. Tragically, these threats culminated in his assassination on the night of April 21st, 2024, when he was entering his home in Santa Rosa del Sur. An assailant shot him multiple times, resulting in his death. After the assassination of Narciso, the Colombian Attorney General’s Office launched an extensive investigation to identify and prosecute those responsible. This investigation led to the identification of José Alejandro Castro Cadavid as the person behind the crime. Castro Cadavid, a former military officer with ties to the Gulf Clan/AGC, allegedly ordered the murder in retaliation for Beleño’s activism against illegal mining in the region. In October 2024, four alleged members of the Gulf Clan were charged with aggravated homicide, illegal possession of firearms, and conspiracy to commit a crime in connection with Beleño’s murder. The individuals identified were Nicolás Giraldo Quintero, alias Cartago; Juan Carlos Castaño Cardona, alias Calvo or Paisa; Nelson Fernando Gutiérrez Arismendi, alias Malito or Matón; and Yenifer Barragán Correa. One of the accused, alias “Malito” or “Matón,” pleaded guilty to the charges. The remaining three are awaiting trial. The legal process regarding Beleño’s murder is ongoing, and authorities continue to investigate the extent of the Gulf Clan’s involvement in the crime (RCN, 2024).  

The case of Narciso Beleño highlights several critical points that warrant a profound reflection on the importance of social leaders in social transformation and the challenges they face in Colombia. First, it is essential to address the responsibility of the state. The tragic death of Narciso represents a failure of human rights due to inaction, as public authorities and their agents neglected their responsibility to intervene in situations requiring such attention. This lack of action resulted in insufficient protection measures for at-risk human rights defenders such as Narciso, who need responses tailored to their specific contexts. Furthermore, it is vital to implement policies that ensure the cessation of attacks against these defenders, allowing them to continue their work without fear of reprisals. This is not only a moral imperative but also aligns with Colombia’s international obligations regarding human rights, emphasizing the need for a genuine commitment from the state to protect those who tirelessly advocate for justice and the respect of everyone’s rights.  

Despite figures like Narciso Beleño emerging as powerful symbols of resistance and advocacy within their communities, their presence alone is insufficient to galvanize widespread action or recognition among Colombians at large. While cases involving social leaders often gain media attention -drawing public outrage- this awareness rarely translates into sustained engagement or significant policy changes at higher levels. Many Colombians remain disconnected from these struggles due to several factors such as urban-rural divides or political apathy toward rural issues. Following the murder of Narciso Beleño, a wave of condemnations swept across Colombia. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights representative in Colombia (2024) swiftly condemned the assassination through social media, acknowledging Beleño’s crucial work in defending human rights in San Lucas and called for urgent protection measures for social leaders, highlighting the critical need for greater awareness and action to ensure their safety. As such, it becomes crucial not only to honor leaders like Beleño but also to foster broader societal involvement that transcends individual cases if meaningful progress toward justice and equity is to be achieved.  

Narciso Beleño left behind a hugely important legacy and the communities he defended will not forget what he represented. His legacy will hopefully serve as inspiration for new leaders and organizations in the region that will maintain the memory of Beleño for many years to come. His commitment to social justice and environmental protection has ignited a spark among younger generations, encouraging them to continue advocating for their rights and the preservation of their land. The solidarity shown during his funeral and the subsequent gatherings reflect a collective determination to honor his memory by standing against the injustices that plague their communities. This sense of unity is crucial as it fosters resilience among the people of southern Bolívar, inspiring them to organize and mobilize against threats from armed groups and exploitative practices. As new leaders emerge, they carry forward Narciso’s vision of a peaceful and equitable society, demonstrating that his legacy transcends his life. If agrarian reform and sustainable development that benefit communities and protect the environment are truly desired at a governmental level, the work of leaders like Narciso and those who continue his struggle needs to be celebrated and their safety guaranteed.  

References  

Front Line Defenders. (2024). Killing of human rights defender Narciso Beleño.  https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/killing-human-rights-defender-narciso-beleno  

Human Rights Watch. (2024). World report 2024: Colombia chapter. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/colombia  

Indepaz. (2024). Líderes sociales, defensores de DD. HH y firmantes de acuerdo asesinados en 2024.https://indepaz.org.co/lideres-sociales-defensores-de-dd-hh-y-firmantes-de-acuerdo-asesinados-en-2024/  

International Committee of the Red Cross. (2024). The human cost of armed conflicts in Colombia. https://www.icrc.org/en/document/human-cost-armed-conflicts-Colombia  

La Vóragine. (2024). Las pruebas contra un coronel (r) del ejército que habría ordenado el asesinato del líder Narciso Beleño. https://voragine.co/historias/investigacion/las-pruebas-contra-un-coronel-r-del-ejercito-que-habria-ordenado-el-asesinato-del-lider-narciso-beleno/  

ONU Derechos Humanos Colombia [@ONUHumanRights]. (2024, April 22). Condenamos el asesinato del líder social Narciso Beleño, presidente de la Federación Agrominera del Sur de Bolívar, ocurrido ayer en Santa Rosa del Sur [Tweet]. X.  https://x.com/ONUHumanRights/status/1782436331567665230  

RCN Radio. (2024). Fiscalía imputó a cuatro presuntos responsables del asesinato del líder social Narciso Beleño. RCN Radio.  https://www.rcnradio.com/judicial/fiscalia-imputo-a-cuatro-presuntos-responsables-del-asesinato-del-lider-social-narciso-beleno  

ReliefWeb. (2024). Situation of human rights defenders, social leaders, and communities in Colombia. Oidhaco. https://reliefweb.int/report/colombia/situation-human-rights-defenders-social-leaders-and-communities-colombia-september-2024  

Centro de Memoria Histórica. (n.d.). Iniciativas y acciones. https://accioneseiniciativas.centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co  

Orbegozo, G. (2021). Consequences of violence against social leaders in Colombia. Documentos CEDE 19320, Universidad de los Andes, Facultad de Economía, CEDE.  https://ideas.repec.org/p/col/000089/019320.html