The Ongoing Killing of Social Leaders in Bolívar: A Call for More Action.

Originally published on Mar 15, 2024.

Social leaders Rosa Celix and Samir Zarate were murdered in the department of Bolívar during 2023. 

Article written by Rosmery Carbonell, Gabriela Orozco & Nabij Saker 

In Colombia being a social leader can mean a threat against your life. Social leaders in Colombia play a crucial role in advocating for human rights, social justice, and community development. However, many of these leaders have faced grave threats to their lives and safety due to their activism. The murder of social leaders has been sadly normalized, and listening to crimes against them is part of the “normal” news. This essay is about the context of the department of Bolivar and the cases of three social leaders that were murdered during the first months of 2023, Rosa Elena Celiz Guañarita, Jorge Orlando Cardenas Fajardo and Samir Antonio Zarate Lugo. The department of Bolivar has experienced a particularly high number of these violent incidents. These leaders are often targeted by criminal organizations, paramilitary groups, or other armed actors who perceive them as a threat to their interests or to their control in the region. The motives behind these murders can vary, from disputes over land and resources to efforts to silence those who speak out against corruption and violence. The murders of social leaders in Bolivar and throughout Colombia are a stark reminder of the challenges faced by those who work tirelessly to build a more equitable and just society. Addressing this issue requires not only law enforcement efforts to bring the perpetrators to justice but also a broader commitment to peace, human rights, and social development in Colombia. For this reason, it is vital to explore the stories of leaders such as Rosa, Jorge and Samir.  

Rosa Elena Celix Guañarita, a prominent figure within the Victims Association in Bolívar, dedicated her life to advocating for the rights of marginalized communities in Colombia. At the age of 37, she held the position of vice president of the Victims Association in the Guayacanes district of Santa Rosa, Bolívar. Rosa’s work was highly respected and acknowledged by the community, especially those affected by the armed conflict in Santa Rosa. Her significant contributions led to her selection as the vice president of the Victims Association in the Los Guayacanes district, a testament to her commitment to social justice. Unfortunately, like so many others who have dedicated their lives to helping marginalized communities in Colombia, her work and life would end abruptly. The tragic murder of Rosa Celix occurred in a bar located in the municipality of San Pablo, approximately four and a half hours away from Santa Rosa. According to Semana (2023), the homicide took place on February 27th, 2023, when the victim was socializing with several people. An armed man approached her from behind and shot her twice; it was revealed that one of the shots hit her in the back of the head, killing her instantly. Rosa Celix’s murder shocked Colombian society and had a profound impact on her community and the broader social justice movement in Bolívar. In response to the tragedy, various organizations in the Magdalena Medio region called for swift action to arrest the killers. Magdalena Medio police chief Luis Alejandro Cubillos pledged to work with the victim’s family to investigate the crime and investigate possible motives, as reported by El Tiempo (2023). However, the murder of Rosa Célix is not a singular occurrence but rather part of a disturbing pattern of violence aimed at social leaders. In the first nine months of 2023, INDEPAZ reported an alarming total of 128 murders of social leaders, further contributing to a bleak count of 1,542 leaders assassinated since the peace agreement was signed (as of October 1st, 2023). The presence of transnational criminal groups and local organized crime entities such as “Los Venecos,” the AGC (the largest drug trafficking organization in Colombia), and the ELN (left-wing guerrillas), as highlighted by the Office of the Ombudsman, presented grave threats to the population in South Bolivar. In Santa Rosa, Bolívar, the situation raised serious concerns among community members and social leaders, who have increasingly felt more vulnerable. The Municipal Effective Participation Committee for the victims of Santa Rosa del Sur in Bolívar, in a public statement, highlighted the violence plaguing the territory, especially in San Pablo, which directly endangered the lives, integrity, and security of those defending the rights of conflict victims. Urgently, they requested heightened protection and security from the national government, providing testimony over their apprehensions for their lives, as reported by Caracol Radio (2023).  

Violence against social leaders and human rights defenders is a hugely alarming issue that has been getting worse in recent years. In relation to the investigations carried out by the Colombian Commission of Jurists (2023), it was determined that there have been 120 violations of the right to life of defenders, leaders, and activists. These violations include 82.50% male victims, 15% female victims, and 2.5% victims with diverse sexual orientation and gender identities. In the history of Colombia, violence has been used to silence those who are perceived as opponents. This violence has been directed towards social and political leaders, as highlighted in the Truth Commission’s report of 2022. Selective assassinations have been carried out with ruthless precision, aimed at suppressing resistance, forcing collaboration, and instilling fear in the community. It is sad reality that the peace agreement with the FARC-EP (2016) has not yet brought about stability but instead has led to a troubling increase in assassinations of former combatants in addition to violence against social leaders. In 2022, the UN reported that 315 former FARC-EP combatants were killed and 27 went missing, indicating the immense obstacles faced by those striving towards a fairer and more peaceful Colombia. There has long been criticism that not enough is being done in terms of instigating and developing the many programs and initiatives agreed as part of that 2016 peace deal, particularly in terms of those programs concerned with illicit crop substitution and integral rural reform. Bolívar, and particularly the southern part of the department, is a perfect example of a context where real commitment to such programs is vital to help communities that have traditionally been impacted by the armed conflict. The failure to address these issues has left leaders such as Rosa in a vulnerable position. Unfortunately, Rosa is not the only social leader to have been silenced in the department.   

In Cantagallo, Bolivar, Colombia, Jorge Orlando Cardenas Fajardo was a prominent member of the community. On January 25th, 2023, he was killed while operating a vehicle. Peasant leader Cardenas was active in activism and community service circles. His murder is said to have been motivated by either personal conflicts or his role as a community leader. The murder of Cardenas is only one of several incidents of violence against human rights advocates and local authorities in Colombia, particularly in areas where there is a high level of organized crime and drug trafficking. International institutions including the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and the United Nations have expressed alarm over the continuous violence in Colombia. (W Radio, 2022). Cases of violence against social leaders in Bolívar must be viewed in the context of the shadow cast by the armed conflict in the department. The armed conflict has cast a long shadow over the department. FARC guerrillas entered the Bolivar department in 1983, having an impact on towns including Cantagallo, San Pablo, Rio Viejo, Morales, and Simit. Paramilitary groups also operated in the area over the years, but they were unable to unite until the end of the century. The consequences of the conflict between the FARC and the paramilitaries were catastrophic for the civilian population. Despite the FARC’s demobilization in 2016, following the AUC paramilitary demobilization ten years previously, peace did not reach Cantagallo, where the ELN and the AGC have been at odds since 2016.  While violence against social leaders is a frequent reality in rural parts of the department, urban centers and cities have also seen cases of violence against community activists.  

In Cartagena, the capital of the department of Bolívar and one of the most important tourist sites in Colombia, Samir Antonio Zarate Lugo was a prominent member of the community and a social activist. He served as the secretary of the Communal Action Boardl (JAC for its initials in Spanish) in Villas de Aranjuez and was well-known for his civic engagement. Zarate was slain on April 23rd, 2023, in a brawl in the Cartagena district of Bicentenario. After a disagreement over a debt, a neighbor fatally stabbed him. The community was shocked by Zarate’s murder, which was roundly denounced by regional and federal officials. The culprit, known as “Alex,” was apprehended by the police in August 2023. Despite not being explicitly linked to his work as a community activist, Zarate´s killing represents another case of the numerous instances of violence against community leaders and human rights advocates in Colombia, particularly in areas where there is a high level of organized crime and drug trafficking (Caracol Radio, 2023). The killing of Samir Zarate highlights the vulnerability of local and community activists in urban areas where insecurity and acts of intolerance are far too frequent. As can be seen in the cases outlined in this article, the situation in Bolivar is concerning.  In the first semester of 2023, the Ombudsman’s Office reports that five social leaders—two women and three men—were killed in the area. Two of these cases occurred in Cartagena, while the other three were reported in the communities of Cantagallo, San Pablo, and El Carmen de Bolivar. (El universal, 2023). With this in mind, it is necessary to further explore the context in the department.  

The context of social leaders in the department of Bolivar is complex and to understand the challenges and risks faced by social leaders in this region, it’s important to consider the different aspects of the problem. For example, the social inequality that is faced in the region. Bolivar, like many other regions in Colombia, struggles with significant social and economic disparities. Poverty, limited access to basic services, and a lack of economic opportunities are prevalent issues in many communities. Social leaders often emerge from these marginalized areas to advocate for the rights and well-being of their communities. In this case the three leaders were communal leaders, and they wanted to improve conditions for their communities. However, another factor that shapes the context of the social leaders is the presence of narcotrafficking and criminal organizations in Colombia for example, names such as the AGC, FARC dissidents, the ELN,  Aguilas Negras, and also drug cartels and other armed groups contribute to the insecurity and violence. Social leaders who oppose the actions of these groups, or are perceived as an obstacle or threat to their activities may face threats and attacks. While the Colombian government signed a historic peace agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in 2016, the implementation of this agreement has been challenging. The power vacuum left by the FARC’s demobilization has allowed other armed groups to vie for control in various regions, including Bolivar. Bolivar is home to a significant number of indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. Leaders from these groups are often recognized for the protection of their ancestral lands, cultural rights, and social inclusion. They may face additional challenges due to their marginalized status as a minority community. In this complex context, social leaders in Bolivar play a critical role in standing up for the rights of their communities, addressing social injustices, and seeking solutions to the region’s problems. However, their activism often comes at great personal risk, making it dangerous for the leaders that decide to speak up. It is for this reason that authorities must take measures to address this reality.  

Regarding the actions taken by the government to address the issue of murdered social leaders, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights emphasizes the urgency for the State to expand its presence in the areas most affected by violence against social leaders. In order to contextualize the matter, there are a total of 409 municipalities in Colombia that are presently experiencing either low local capacity or critical conditions. This is significant when considering that Colombia is comprised of 1,106 municipalities, signifying that 36% of them are facing issues pertaining to insufficient institutional capacity (Rodriguez, 2022). It is important to note that almost fifty percent of the municipalities in the country, primarily situated on the outskirts of the national territory, do not possess fundamental elements that are provided by the state. The residents of these municipalities are lacking in institutions that protect their rights. Additionally, a call was made to the National Security Guarantees Commission to advance in the development and implementation of policies aimed at dismantling criminal groups in these regions, especially in those where levels of corruption contribute to impunity (La Republica, 2021). On the other hand, the present model of the Ombudsman’s Office in these violence-stricken areas is considered a potential model for the involvement of other state and governmental bodies.  In contrast, with regards to their existence in these regions, the Office of the Ombudsman works alongside nearby communities to fully grasp their particular necessities and worries. Additionally, they carry out inquiries and surveillance in these territories to detect any breaches of human rights and provide aid to those who have suffered. The Office’s presence and initiatives in these impacted areas serve to enhance the efficacy of responses and safeguard social leaders (Defensoria del Pueblo,2023). Therefore, it can be said that the government is taking measures to prevent attacks and protect social leaders in Colombia. These actions include strengthening communication with human rights organizations and addressing the risks they face. Additionally, work is underway to restructure the National Protection Unit to improve its processes and ensure a human rights-focused approach in all its activities. According to El Tiempo (2023), the four specific actions that will guide the action plan are the review and adjustment of regulations related to protection programs, the reformulation of the public policy to guarantee the exercise of Human Rights Defense work, the strengthening of the implementation of Decree 660 of 2018 related to collective protection for rural communities, and the reactivation of dialogues with civil society from the peace agreement with the FARC and the National Process of Guarantees for Human Rights Defenders and Social Leaders. Furthermore, the government introduced the Unified Command Posts for Life strategy as a mechanism to protect the country’s social leaders, ensuring immediate protection through the creation of prevention action plans (Voz de America, 2023). However, it must be pointed out that these measures have yet to bear fruits, with crimes against leaders continuing to occur in the Caribbean region and throughout Colombia.  

In conclusion, the reality of social leaders in Colombia’s Bolivar department highlights the serious difficulties and dangers they encounter in their unwavering quest for social justice and community development. The horrific killings of Samir Antonio Zarate Lugo, Jorge Orlando Cardenas Fajardo, and Rosa Elena Celix Guañarita show the disturbing trend of violence against social activists in this department. The dangers that these leaders confront are made even greater by the complicated socioeconomic background in the department, the lack of social justice across various levels, the existence of illegal armed groups and criminal organizations, and the struggles of underprivileged populations. The need to increase state presence and protection in regions impacted by violence persists despite attempts by the government and foreign groups to address the problem. Although the government has taken measures to bolster protection programs and prevent assaults, there is still a long way to go before social leaders in Colombia can be guaranteed their safety and well-being. Social leaders’ diligent efforts are crucial for advancing human rights, social equity, and healthy neighborhood development. Their sacrifices and the dangers they face highlight the necessity of ongoing initiatives to eliminate violence against social leaders and create a more just and equitable society in Colombia.  

References  

Revista Semana (2023). Lideresa de la Asociación de Víctimas en Bolívar fue asesinada en un bar del municipio de San Pablo. https://www.semana.com/nacion/cartagena/articulo/lideresa-de-la-asociacion-de-victimas-en-bolivar-fue-asesinada-en-un-bar-del-municipio-de-san-pablo/202331/   

El Tiempo (2023). Líder social fue asesinada en un bar con tiro de gracia en el Magdalena Medio.https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/santander/lider-social-es-asesinada-con-tiro-de-gracia-en-un-bar-745926   

InfoBae (2023). Febrero cierra con 20 líderes sociales asesinados en el país, las últimas víctimas se reportaron en el Valle y en Bolívar. https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2023/03/01/febrero-cierra-con-20-lideres-sociales-asesinados-en-el-pais-las-ultimas-victimas-se-reportaron-en-el-valle-y-en-bolivar/   

INDEPAZ (2023). Rosa Elena Celix Guañarita era una reconocida lideresa.  https://twitter.com/Indepaz/status/1630729580414738434   

Caracol Radio (2023). Mujer asesinada por sicario en San Pablo era líderesa de asociación de víctimas. https://caracol.com.co/2023/02/28/mujer-asesinada-por-sicario-en-san-pablo-era-lideresa-de-asociacion-de-victimas/   

Comision Colombiana d Juristas (2023). Violaciones al derecho a la vida de las personas defensoras, líderes y lideresas. https://www.coljuristas.org/nuestro_quehacer/lideres.php   

Rodriguez (2021). Abandono estatal, la desgracia del pueblo. https://conexion.uexternado.edu.co/abandono-estatal-la-desgracia-del-pueblo/   

Defensoria del Pueblo (2023). Conoce nuestra entidad: sobre la defensoría del pueblo de colombia https://www.defensoria.gov.co/que-hacemos#:~:text=Proteger%20y%20defender%20los%20derechos,casos%20se%C3%B1alados%20en%20la%20Ley.   

Convenio de fuerza y justicia. (n.d.). Cantagallo | Convenios de Fuerza y Justicia. Rutas del Conflicto. http://rutasdelconflicto.com/convenios-fuerza-justicia/node/260  

GONZÁLEZ, J. (2023, August 8). 5 líderes sociales han sido asesinados en Bolívar este 2023. El Universal. Retrieved October 5, 2023, from https://www.eluniversal.com.co/regional/bolivar/5-lideres-sociales-han-sido-asesinados-en-bolivar-este-2023-CX8761730  

W radio. (2022, August 30). YouTube. https://www.wradio.com.co/2023/08/25/empresario-se-dirigia-a-su-oficina-en-cartagena-cuando-fueasesinado/  

https://caracol.com.co/2023/04/24/lider-comunal-fue-asesinado-a-punaladas-tras-altercado-con-un-vecino-en-cartagena/

Voices Silenced: The Tragic Tales of Social Leaders in Colombia’s Caribbean Region. 

Originally published on Feb 28, 2024.

Social leaders Nestor Martinez, Jhon Rueda & Temistocles Beltran were murdered in the Caribbean region throughout 2023. 

*Article written by Carla Hernandez, Daniela Lugo & Nicole Mateus. 

Colombia is a nation renowned for its breathtaking landscapes and rich cultural diversity, yet an unsettling reality often casts a shadow over its beauty: the perilous situation faced by social leaders. According to the Human Rights Ombudsperson’s Office, more than 1,000 human rights defenders and social leaders have tragically lost their lives since 2016, shedding light on the dire circumstances they confront (Human Rights Watch, 2023). To comprehend the gravity of this issue, one must delve into the alarming statistics. Threats and assassinations targeting these individuals persist relentlessly. In the Caribbean region alone, between 2010 and 2018, a staggering 114 leaders fell victim to violence. This alarming figure encompasses various categories of leaders, with 19% being peasant leaders and 14% holding positions as ethnic authorities (Comisión de la Verdad, 2022). This heart-wrenching toll underscores the widespread nature of the problem, transcending regional borders and emphasizing the urgency of addressing the situation. Furthermore, the situation is further complicated by the involvement of armed groups that threaten the lives of these social leaders who dare to expose their injustices and crimes. These leaders, often driven by an unwavering commitment to their communities, play a vital role in the public sphere as human rights advocates, territorial defenders, and catalysts for change. However, this dedication to progress comes at a grave personal cost, and social leaders like Nestor Martinez, Jhon Rueda, and Temistocles Beltran paid the ultimate price in their perilous struggle for justice and equality in Colombia’s complex social landscape, unfortunately being murdered for their efforts towards making a positive change.  

Néstor Enrique Martínez Brito, an official working for the Office of the Ombudsman (Defensoría Del Pueblo) in the La Guajira region, tragically met his demise on the morning of March 15th, 2023. Martínez Brito, a dedicated social leader, had served as Community Ombudsman of the Ombudsman’s Office of La Guajira since 2016. He showed a strong commitment to his responsibilities and became known for his exemplary dedication. Martínez Brito’s work mainly revolved around addressing issues related to displacement and migration. His tenure as Community Defender was marked by his tireless efforts to protect and defend the rights and welfare of the local population. The Platform of Human Rights Defenders, Activists and Social Leaders of the Sierra Nevada has raised the disturbing possibility of the involvement of the “Clan del Golfo”, an illegal armed group in the region, in the murder of Néstor Enrique Martínez Brito. This case highlights the complexity and risk associated with social leadership in contexts where armed actors operate outside the law, underscoring the urgent need to address impunity and ensure the safety of those who work tirelessly to promote rights and justice in these areas. Similarly, in the following paragraph, we will delve into the case of Jhon Fredy Ruedas Rodrigez, another social leader whose life was cut short under violent circumstances.  

Jhon Fredy Rueda Rodriguez was a Colombian social leader who lived in Sincelejo where he was recognized for his social work as a Human Rights defender. Jhon Fredy worked as part of the Veeduria ciudadana por la Movilidad de Colombia (VEEMCOL) which works as an operational and administrative surveillance system for traffic institutes and ministries. Jhon Fredy was also acting as a social leader for those living in a land invasion (a process whereby people build homes on unused plots of land without formal permission) named Quintas de Belen located between two neighborhoods, Bitar and Pablo Sexto, a territory where he was leading the land invasion process by protecting the human rights of these communities and denouncing criminal acts within these groups. Quintas de Belen was the territory where his family and the community had to occupy illegally since they had no place to live due to the lack of opportunities they had to deal with, especially because of the pandemic and the economic crisis. Many of these inhabitants have lost their jobs and with them their income to pay rents, which has caused them to settle illegally in these territories. This social leader’s killing is still under investigation by local authorities, but some alternative sources have stood up for the case, such as the Instituto de estudios para el desarrollo y la paz Indepaz (Indepaz) which is a nongovernmental organization that works as a Human Rights Observatory with its main purpose being to generate development and peace in a post conflict context.  Indepaz has attributed responsibility in this case to the armed group that has been making threats against organizations of this region; the Clan del Golfo is the main suspect since it is the most active and powerful criminal group in the area. Even though local authorities continue to investigate the homicide, many organizations and social leaders are calling for their safety to be guaranteed, since this is not the first case that has taken place in this region and threats increase daily. To keep exploring the Caribbean social leader’s problematic situation, in the next section we will move on to the department of Cesar, and the case of Temistocles Beltran, who worked promoting justice and human rights.  

Another tragic and deeply troubling illustration of the dangerous conditions that social leaders and human rights defenders often face in Colombia is the case of Temistocles Beltrán. Temistocles was a prominent figure known for his dedicated work with victims and peasants in the municipality of El Copey. His commitment to advocating for the rights and well-being of marginalized communities made him a respected social leader in the region. Tragically, Beltran was brutally murdered in a rural area on the night of June 19th 2023. This assassination followed weeks of threats and intimidation directed towards Temistocles by the criminal group known as the Clan del Golfo, implicating them as the likely culprits behind his murder. The context in which this tragedy occurred is particularly grim, as the south of the department has seen a rise in kidnapping and homicides, which have become primary sources of funding for illegal groups. Temistocles Beltrán was not only a social leader but also a human rights defender and aspired to become a councilman for the municipality of El Copey. His dedication to improving the lives of rural communities was evident through his relentless pursuit of projects and solutions to address their needs. The situation in El Copey has prompted the Ombudsman’s Office to issue early alerts due to the direct confrontations between criminal gangs and rival micro-trafficking networks. These conflicts involve criminal structures associated with the AGC and the Autodefensas Conquistadoras de la Sierra Nevada (ACSN), also known as ‘Los Pachenca,’ further highlighting the perilous conditions in the area. The threats and violence against human rights defenders in the Caribbean Region underscore the urgency of addressing the security challenges faced by those advocating for justice and equality in Colombia. The tragic fate of Temistocles Beltrán mirrors a disturbing pattern of violence against social leaders and human rights defenders in Colombia, setting the stage for an analysis of the striking similarities between the cases previously outlined of social leaders of the Caribbean region.  

       The three cases presented above correspond to only a small part of the total number of assassinations of social leaders since the signing of the peace agreement with the FARC guerrilla group in November 2016. In the national context, the Institute for Development and Peace Studies (INDEPAZ) reported a concerning statistic for 2023, stating that 188 social leaders were brutally assassinated across the country. This grim figure underscores the ongoing challenges and threats faced by leaders who are working to advocate for human rights and justice (INDEPAZ, 2023). Turning our attention to the regional panorama, the Caribbean region, while not having the highest number of social leader victims, has seen a significant impact. Of the 188 cases of murdered social leaders throughout Colombia durinng 2023, 34 of these tragic homicides occurred in the Caribbean departments. To understand these distressing events, it’s imperative to delve into the historical context of the armed conflict in Colombia. Despite efforts to reduce regional conflicts and violence, the Caribbean region continues to grapple with the enduring presence of illegal armed groups and their connections to illicit economies.  

According to the Truth Commission (2022), despite efforts to reduce regional conflicts and violence, various factors of violence associated with illicit economies and illegal armed groups continue to persist, affecting the territories and communities in the Caribbean region. During the worst years of the armed conflict, these areas were under the control of paramilitary groups that terrorized the population with violent measures to gain respect and subordination from the civilians. One of the most common ways in which these illegal groups operated were under “land dispossession and extortion, selective assassinations and massacres” (OMC, 2022, p.8), including confrontations with the FARC and EPL guerrillas over control of land and drug trade. The most terrible consequence of these violent acts was that many people were victims of forces displacement losing their territory so they could save their life. Fast forward to nowadays, this is evident in the presence of armed groups in the areas where social leaders Néstor Enrique Martínez Brito (La Guajira), Jhon Fredy Rueda Rodriguez (Sincelejo), and Temistocles Beltrán (El Copey) were tragically murdered. What these cases have in common is their connection to the threat posed by local armed groups such as the Clan del Golfo (AGC) and the ACSN, which “coincidentally” targeted these leaders. These leaders were not only defending human rights but also actively seeking solutions to return or allocate land to victims and affected individuals in the region.   

  It is crucial to acknowledge that these armed groups continue to exert control over parts of the territory because they are driven by illicit economic pursuits, such as coca cultivation. In pursuit of these activities, they target communities, and in this case, social leaders who defend the land and expose their negligence (Truth Commission, 2022). The historical impact of the armed conflict and the lingering influence of paramilitary groups, even years after the demobilization process, are key factors shaping the current context in these areas, particularly in Sucre and Cesar, where the intertwining of violence, politics, and illicit economies remains significant. Additionally, the similarity in the targeting of these three victims underscores the ongoing challenges faced by social leaders who advocate for justice, human rights, and land reform in the region.  

In conclusion, the cases of Néstor Enrique Martínez Brito, Jhon Fredy Rueda Rodriguez, and Temistocles Beltrán present a distressing pattern of violence against social leaders and human rights defenders in the Caribbean region of Colombia. These individuals, committed to safeguarding the rights and well-being of marginalized communities, faced threats, intimidation, and ultimately, violent deaths. The common thread linking these cases is the ominous presence of the criminal group known as the Clan del Golfo (AGC), illustrating the perilous conditions in which social leaders operate. The urgent need to address impunity and ensure the safety of those advocating for justice and equality in these areas cannot be overstated. As the investigations continue, the broader context of armed groups operating outside the law further emphasizes the complexity and risks associated with social leadership in these regions. The international community must also pay careful attention to these cases, supporting efforts to bring perpetrators to justice and working collaboratively to create a safer environment for those who dedicate their lives to promoting human rights in Colombia. The tragic fate of Nestor Enrique Martínez Brito, Jhon Fredy Rueda Rodriguez, and Temistocles Beltrán serves as a stark reminder of the challenges faced by social leaders, urging authorities and society at large to address the root causes of violence and insecurity that persist in these vulnerable communities.   

References  

Human Rights Watch (2023). Informe Mundial 2023: Tendencias de derechos en Colombia. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2023/country-chapters/colombia  

Comisión de la Verdad (2022). FOCUS ON CARIBE. Colombia Adentro, Relatos territoriales sobre el conflicto armado en CARIIBE. Comisión de la Verdad.  https://www.comisiondelaverdad.co/colombia-adentro-1  

INDEPAZ (2023). Violencia en Colombia: Informe anual 2023. INDEPAZ. https://indepaz.org.co/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/INFORME-FINAL-2023.pdf  

Observatorio y Memoria del Conflicto (2022). Boletín Estadístico de Eventos de Violencia Durante el Conflicto Armado Interno N. 3 Nacional. Centro Nacional de Memoria Historica.  https://micrositios.centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/observatorio/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/Boleti%CC%81n-Colombia-Completo.pdf. ( p.8)  

Barrios, F (2023). Asesinan a líder social en Sincelejo que denunciaba invasión de tierras. El tiempo.  https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/otras-ciudades/asesinan-a-lider-social-en-sincelejo-767863  

Caracol Radio (2023). Asesinan a líder social de El Copey, Cesar en su finca. Caracol Radio. https://caracol.com.co/2023/06/22/asesinan-a-lider-social-de-el-copey-cesar-en-su-finca/#:~:text=Beltr%C3%A1n%20era%20reconocido%20por%20su,conocer%20en%20las%20%C3%BAltimas%20horas.  

Semana (2023). Capturan en Cesar a dos hombres que llevaban camuflados con mensajes alusivos a disidencias; se les acusa de varios delitos. Semana. https://www.semana.com/nacion/valledupar/articulo/capturan-en-cesar-a-dos-hombres-que-llevaban-camuflados-con-mensajes-alusivos-a-disidencias-se-les-acusa-de-varios-delitos/202349//  

El Heraldo (2023). Asesinan a líder social del campesinado en El Copey, Cesar. El Heraldo. https://www.elheraldo.co/cesar/cesar-asesinan-lider-social-del-campesinado-en-el-copey-10101855  

The case of Armando Rivero and the threats faced by teachers and social leaders in Colombia.

Originally published on Feb 21.

Armando Rivero Manjarres was a school principal and cultural leader in the department of Sucre 

Article written by Catalina Delgado, Cristian Navarro & Genesis Rivera 

The landscape for social leaders in Colombia is fraught with violence and intimidation. These leaders, among whom a significant number are educators, play a pivotal role in advocating for human rights and fostering community development. Despite their contributions, public perception of the crimes against them is often shaped by a mix of fear, misinformation, and indifference. The violence against social leaders has been persistent and alarming, with over 1,200 human rights defenders and social leaders killed since 2016 (the UN). However, other sources claim the figure is even higher. This violence is often perpetrated by armed groups involved in drug trafficking and organized crime. Public perception is further complicated by the lack of effective government protection and the normalization of such violence in many communities. While many experts have highlighted the systematic nature of these killings, others have trivialized the issue. In 2017, the then Minister of Defense, Luis Carlos Villegas, controversially claimed that the murders of social leaders were due to various reasons like personal disputes, such as “lovers quarrels”, among others, and that they did not represent a systematic attack. This dismissive remark trivialized the serious threats faced by leaders and undermined efforts to address the systemic violence against them, drawing widespread criticism in the process. What is true however, is that these crimes are related to a broad and complex set of circumstances which means the lives of those striving for a better society often end up in danger. This text explores the multifaceted challenges faced by social leaders in Colombia, particularly highlighting the importance of educators in society. It will do this by primarily focusing the case of one such leader and educator: Armando Rivero Manjarres.  

Armando Rivero Manjarres was a respected educator, journalist, and cultural promoter. He held the position as principal of a school in the municipality of Guaranda, Sucre, where he was known for his dedication to education and community development. Additionally, he played a significant role in the National Gaitas Festival in Ovejas, promoting cultural heritage and local traditions. The National Gaitas Festival, held annually in Ovejas, Sucre, is a vibrant celebration of Colombia’s rich musical heritage, particularly the traditional gaita music. Established in 1985, the festival honors the legacy of Francisco Llirene, a renowned gaita player, and has grown to become a significant cultural event. It serves as a platform for preserving and promoting the indigenous musical traditions of the Zenú culture, which historically inhabited the region. The event attracts hundreds of participants and thousands of visitors each year. Tragically, Armando was kidnapped and murdered in July 2024, as stated by La Comisión Colombiana de Juristas. His body was found under a bridge in Sampúés, Sucre, days after his disappearance. His status as a prominent educator and cultural leader led to speculation that his death may have been related to his social and community engagement, given the numerous precedents which have been seen over the past number of years.  

Violence against social leaders in Colombia is a critical issue, with alarming statistics highlighting the severity of the situation. Nationally, over 1,200 social leaders and human rights defenders have been killed since 2016 (the UN though other sources estimate the number to be even higher). Regionally, departments such as Cauca, Nariño, and Putumayo are particularly dangerous, with Cauca recording the highest number of murders. In 2023 alone, Cauca saw 24 social leaders killed. However, this context of violence can be seen throughout the whole country, including the Caribbean region. Since 2016, 246 social leaders have been murdered in Caribbean departments (Indepaz), with 24 of these cases occurring in Sucre (La Libertad Sublime). In 2024 alone, 6 teachers were murdered, and 5 of these crimes took place in the Caribbean departments (Indepaz, La Libertad Sublime). The context in Colombia is precarious for social leaders due to the presence of organized crime groups, which often target these leaders to maintain control over territories. Despite the gravity of these crimes, media coverage remains insufficient, failing to adequately highlight the systemic nature of violence and lack of effective government positions. This lack of visibility further complicates efforts to address and mitigate the risks faced by social leaders. Leaving many communities vulnerable and underreported.  

The constant assassination of social leaders has generated diverse reactions throughout Colombian society, from the country’s elitist circles to ordinary people. The Colombian civilian population believes that social leaders are killed because of the work they do, often becoming victims of illegal armed actors. The leadership they provide to their communities is seen as the main reason for their murders, leading some to suggest that social leaders bring their death upon themselves by speaking up about issues that they should leave alone.  Like many issues in modern societies, political polarization and people’s ideological leanings have seen oversimplistic narratives around such a wave of violence. For many on the left, the crimes against leaders are evidence of a plot by the extreme right to stop any progress being made in relation to Colombia’s historic inequality. Voices from the right often claim that leaders are targeted because of ties they may have to illegal actors throughout the country, or because of other issues. What is certain is that both perspectives fail to account for the many complexities which play a part in this situation.   

Throughout 2024, President Gustavo Petro made several statements on this issue, claiming that the Colombian state has failed social leaders and the communities they lead. These leaders are continuously threatened and their rights violated, while the state ignores them and turns a blind eye. In the region of Sucre, a historically conflicted area where leaders play a significant role in advocating for the rights of the community, impunity reaches alarming levels, with a score of 75.93 points, the highest in the country. The main reason is that the state’s role in investigating, prosecuting, and sanctioning homicides is insufficient, and the investigations conducted to clarify the various homicides are inadequate compared to international standards. The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has called on the state to perform its main task of providing security and protection to leaders, and for justice to address the murders that have already occurred.  

The case of Armando Rivero was the 91st registered at the time in 2024. As previously stated, there have now been 148 leaders murdered, as of November 2024 (Indepaz). The Colombian justice system conducted an exhaustive and dedicated investigation, perhaps due to the public statements made by the Minister of Culture in response to the crime and the significant media attention the case received, given Armando’s importance to an entire municipality. However, the development did not follow the typical narrative expected in such murders. With criminal proceedings ongoing at the time of writing, it seems Armando was killed by his stepson and possibly his ex-partner over economic and personal reasons (El Tiempo, 2024), diverging from the usual scenario where leaders are assassinated by armed actors to halt their progress and work.   

Despite this case not fitting the usual pattern, a murder is still a murder, reflecting the pervasive dynamics of violence in the country. Regardless of the motive behind the crime, the murder of Armando has removed a valuable educator and cultural leader from an area where he was valued and cherished. Furthermore, it is worth noting the similarities between this case and those of two other educators murdered in the Caribbean region throughout 2024, Eliecer Guevara in Valledupar (Cesar) in February and Luis Leones Alvarez in San Jacinto (Bolivar) in April. All three crimes seem to have been motivated by robbery, yet all three included extreme violence towards the victims. Tragically, all three crimes have left communities without valued, dedicated and experienced educators. This violence is not only systematically targeted at social leaders but also affects any ordinary Colombian. If Armando’s case had not gained significant media attention, and if the minister had not intervened, the resolution might have been entirely different or nonexistent.  

Colombia is a country with diverse and complex realities that cannot be analyzed from a single perspective. The country presents many facets depending on the region, municipality, and the specific context. The murders of social leaders are a significant stain on Colombia’s reputation, as it leads the continent in such homicides, with 79% of these killings occurring within its borders. This statistic is both discouraging and depressing, highlighting that the efforts of social leaders, educators, and those who contribute to improving social conditions are not valued. Teachers and social educators are important to a society because they foster critical thinking and creativity by helping students develop essential life skills. They promote inclusivity and understanding, and they build stronger communities. Ultimately, their dedication helps pave the way for a more informed and compassionate society. These important individuals live in constant fear that the threats they receive daily will become reality, fully aware that the Colombian state is unlikely to act decisively if these threats are realized. It is disheartening that in Colombia, such individuals are blamed, stigmatized, and perceived as a potential threat, even though they are merely teachers and educators devoted to their profession, who end up as targets, sometimes even for those closest to them. The situation is demoralizing, as the prevalent mentality in the country continues to blame those who strive to bring about change, and nothing is done to alter the pervasive cycle of violence that the average citizen faces daily.  

Information sourced from:  

https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/resource-publication/global-analysis-202324

https://historias-inconclusas.verdadabierta.com/impunidad-uno-combustibles-violencia-contra-lideres-sociales.html

https://www.procuraduria.gov.co/Pages/procuraduria-advierte-violencia-continua-acechando-lideres-sociales-pais.aspx

https://www.aa.com.tr/es/mundo/informe-de-ong-se%C3%B1ala-sistematicidad-e-impunidad-en-asesinatos-de-l%C3%ADderes-sociales-en-colombia/2177168

Colombia’s social leaders are still being killed during the quarantine

https://apnews.com/article/bogota-colombia-7bf26433022d0376ed1e7728487c8794

https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/colombia

https://www.eluniversal.com.co/sucesos/2024/10/28/por-este-motivo-desaparecieron-y-mataron-al-profesor-armando-rivero/

https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/02/10/left-undefended/killings-rights-defenders-colombias-remote-communities

https://festivaldegaitas.com/

https://www.radionacional.co/noticias-colombia/festival-nacional-de-gaitas-en-ovejas-sucre-conoce-la-programacion

https://www.coljuristas.org/nuestro_quehacer/lideres.php

https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/otras-ciudades/la-companera-sentimental-e-hijastro-del-docente-armando-rivero-fueron-capturados-como-presuntos-implicados-en-crimen-del-educador-3386530

Mary Emilse Domicó Bailarin: The skilled artisan whose murder highlights the threats faced by indigenous women in the marginalized regions of Colombia.

Originally published on Feb 11, 2024.

Mary Emilse was a skilled artisan from the Embera Katio community in Tierralta, Córdoba 

Article written by Gabriela Larios, Maria Lugo & Nicolas Melendez 

In recent times, the murder of Mary Emilse Domicó Bailarín has attracted public interest, highlighting a range of complex social, cultural, and legal aspects. The story raises key issues about fundamental debates regarding human rights, the autonomy of indigenous communities, and the critical need for effective dialogue between national legal systems and traditional customs. This situation is further complicated by a power vacuum in the department of Córdoba, where state presence and authority are limited, leaving many people without adequate legal protection or representation. This is why this case has become emblematic of the broader struggle to reconcile national laws with the unique cultural and social frameworks of indigenous communities, pointing to urgent reforms needed to address these longstanding issues.  

María Emilse, a 22-year-old mother of a three-year-old boy, was well-known for her social work within the Emberá Katío community in Alto Sinú, Córdoba. She was a skilled artisan dedicated to the traditional crafts of her culture. On May 9th, her body was discovered in a rural area near Tierralta, buried in a makeshift grave. To this day, the exact circumstances of her death remain unknown. However, her family suspects she suffered sexual violence and severe burns, which initially made identifying her body challenging. Her tragic death has deeply shaken her community and underscored the vulnerability of indigenous women in regions where state protections are limited.  

Taking into account the case of Mary Emilse Domicó Bailarín and how her life ended in such a horrific manner, it is crucial to protect and take care of the rights of women, social leaders and indigenous communities in Colombia. Emilse’s dedication to traditional crafts earned her recognition as a prominent indigenous social leader in the cultural sphere. She exemplified the resilience of indigenous women who seek to challenge stereotypes within a patriarchal society and strive for a fairer, more equitable world for those whose voices have long been silenced.   

Her tragic story highlights the urgent need for systemic change, as innocent people continue to be murdered with little recourse for justice. The most heartbreaking aspect of her case is not only her untimely death but also the government’s inaction, leaving her family—along with her three-year-old, dealing with their loss and navigating the state’s complex legal mechanisms. Her family’s grief is compounded by frustration, as her body remains in the Legal Medicine morgue in Montería, a powerful reminder of the lack of commitment from state institutions to bring clarity and justice to Emilse’s death, something which could allow her loved ones a measure of peace and a path toward healing.   

It is essential to mention that being a social leader in a community such as the Embera Katio community is a great responsibility due to the challenges it has had to face throughout its existence. The Embera Katío community has faced various challenges that have risked their well-being and cultural heritage. We can see that the loss of territories due to mining and hydroelectric exploitation projects has generated a problem of forced mass displacement and thus the loss of their connection with the land and their traditional way of life leading to the potential oblivion of their culture. On the other hand, the presence of illegal armed groups on their lands has exposed them to a violent and dangerous environment.    

In addition, there is a lack of visibility in terms of the government ensuring their needs for basic services, such as health and education. All this generates a limitation in their development and at the same time exacerbates discrimination and social exclusion. Finally, international problems such as the advent of climate change and environmental degradation severely affect the natural resources on which they depend for their survival. Understanding all these causes, it is possible to see the need for political representation to answer these questions that have caused the Embera Katio community to suffer day by day.  

The case of Mary Emilse Bailarín is a demonstration of the state’s abandonment of indigenous communities and social leaders in Colombia. This tragic event should be the impetus for Colombians, organizations and the media to demand justice and protection for those working for a more just and equitable world. It is crucial that we make the voices of those who have been silenced by violence and government indifference heard. Let us call on society to not only be outraged, but to take action by publicizing these cases and demanding change. Mary Emilse’s story cannot be forgotten; it must serve as a reminder that silence makes us part of the problem. It is time to speak out on behalf of those who cannot, on behalf of the victims and their families, on behalf of justice.  

References:  

Castro Pineda, J.G. (2024, junio 6). Familiares de la indígena Mary Emilse Bailarín piden que su muerte no quede impune. Caracol Radio. https://caracol.com.co/2024/06/06/familiares-de-la-indigena-mary-emilse-bailarin-piden-que-su-muerte-no-quede-impune/  

Redacción Caribe. (2024, mayo 10). El atroz crimen de Mary Emilse, su comunidad indígena clama justicia. La Lengua Caribe. https://www.lalenguacaribe.co/2024/region/cordoba/el-atroz-crimen-de-mary-emilse-su-comunidad-indigena-clama-justicia/  

Unseen Frontlines – The Struggle of Educators in Montes de María.

Originally published on Jan 16, 2024.

The murder of Luis Alfredo Leones Alvarez in April 2024 was a stark reminder of the dangers faced by educators in regions such Montes de María. 

Article written by Andrea Gómez, María Inés Pérez & Jesús Elias Redondo 

Violence has deeply marked the history of Colombia and affects not only society but also certain sectors, such as education. Educators (teachers) have been a constant target of threats and attacks, becoming victims of the political and social violence that has affected the country. This text will explore this dynamic by focusing on the context of Los Montes de María, a region that has actively suffered the effects of armed conflict and systematic violence. Through a detailed analysis of the historical context, current cases are examined that illustrate the continued seriousness of the situation of teachers and other educational actors in this sector. In addition, recommendations are provided aimed at mitigating such risks and raising public awareness, as well as a comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon, using reliable sources to support the investigations. The aim of this study is not only to make the problem visible, but also to contribute to the debate on the protection of educators in Colombia, in a context where education is fundamental to building peace and achieving a sense of a just society.  

Violence in Colombia, especially against educators, is characterized by a complex interaction of political, social and economic factors that have intensified since the 1970s and 1980s. During this period, there was a significant increase in the activities of illegal armed groups in the country, such as the FARC and ELN left-wing guerrillas, as well as the emergence of right-wing paramilitary groups. This context of armed conflict had a devastating impact on many communities, especially in regions such as Montes de María, where violence was systematic and prolonged. According to reports from organizations such as the National Center for Historical Memory, more than 1,200 educators were murdered in Colombia between 1980 and 2018, with a significant increase in the 1990s and early 2000s.  

The Montes de María region was an epicenter of this violence. This region, which straddles departments such as Sucre and Bolívar, saw not only clashes between armed groups, but also forced displacement and human rights violations. In the 1990s, the violence intensified with the rise of paramilitary groups that justified their actions as anti-guerrilla warfare and often directed their anger at community leaders and educators, who were seen as agents of change and therefore threats to the status quo. Between 2002 and 2006, under the presidency of Álvaro Uribe, there were numerous reports of threats and murders against teachers, which led to a significant decrease in the number of educators willing to work in these sectors. This cycle of violence has left a deep mark on the education system, affecting not only the safety of educators but also access to and quality of education in already marginalized communities. While the worst years of the armed conflict are hopefully in the past, violence continues to be a factor in relation to teachers.  

Sadly, teachers continue to face threats in society, particularly those working in rural contexts. Throughout 2024, there were 6 teachers murdered throughout Colombia, with 5 of these cases occurring in the Caribbean region, where Montes de María is found. The main case studied in this investigation was the murder of Luis Alfredo Leones Alvarez. Luis was an outstanding Colombian educator, recognized for his invaluable contribution to the educational community of Bolívar, and he was a teacher of exceptional human qualities. He dedicated a large part of his life to the León XIII Educational Institution in San Jacinto, where he served as rector since 1998, and united two towns by also educating in Las Palmas (Beltrán, 2024). His legacy as an educator, social science graduate, and lawyer, with an emphasis on human rights, transcended the classroom, leaving a profound mark on the lives of his students and colleagues. Sadly, this tireless worker was the victim of an act of violence that shocked the entire Colombian Caribbean region. According to El Heraldo (2024), the teacher was last seen on Thursday, April 18th (2024), and people close to him said that he had gone to take his mother’s groceries.   

According to a report from the Gobernación de Bolívar (2024), on April 20th, 2024, his body was found lifeless in his home in the Centro neighborhood of San Jacinto by his relatives. His body showed signs of torture; his hands were tied up, and he had apparently been asphyxiated. Local authorities offered a reward of 30 million pesos to find those responsible for this heinous crime, which is still under investigation. Days later, the authorities managed to find the whereabouts of one of the alleged murderers, Jorge Arnedo (27 years old), who had allegedly stolen items worth more than 70 million pesos, and who had been  recorded on camera, roaming the neighborhood before the crime, and was seen leaving in the early hours of Friday 19th. Arnedo was found hiding in a residential complex in Cartagena, and the Prosecutor’s Office charged him with the crimes of homicide and theft, both aggravated, charges that, however, were not accepted by the defendant. Despite this, a judge granted him a security measure and sent him to Ternera Prison. Nevertheless, the case remains unfinished, as the other suspect has not been found. It is unclear whether there was any further motive for this crime other than a violent robbery.  

It is worth pointing out that there were certain similarities with the case of two other educators who were killed throughout 2024. In February, school teacher Eliecer Guevara was found in similar circumstances to Luis in the city of Valledupar. Closer to Montes de Maria, school rector and cultural leader Armando Rivero Manjarres disappeared in July before his body was found with signs of extreme violence. In both of these cases, it has been suggested that the principal motive was robbery, and these cases highlights the stark reminder of the violence the state is facing. Educators face the threat of violence not only because of the long-held stigmatization of their professional field, but also due to the atmosphere of insecurity which pervades many urban and rural contexts. The constant threats faced by those who dare to speak out against injustice demonstrates the great power vacuum in many areas, with little government assistance, limited only to the Bolivar department governor’s office. While the motives behind crimes against educators may vary, the impact of these crimes is evident, as they remove valuable members of the community and invaluable educators from contexts where there is already a shortage. The deaths of Leones Alvarez and other teachers represent an irreparable loss for education in Colombia and demand an urgent response to combat such violence (Sucesos, 2024). However, violence remains a sad reality not only for teachers, but others who contribute greatly to society.  

As mentioned above, Luis Alfredo Leones Alvarez was not the only professor and social activist in this region murdered. The six cases of murdered educators represent just a fraction of the number of social leaders to have been targeted throughout the year. According to Indepaz (2024), approximately 173 social leaders were murdered in 2024. Considering this, it can be said that the situation of social leaders and human rights defenders (a field that includes educators) in areas such as Montes de Maria is still critical. In 2020, the National Center of Historical Memory made an urgent call to the organized armed groups and the pertinent authorities to take actions regarding the respect of lives and integrity of social leaders in the Montes de Maria subregion of Colombia because of the threats and intimidations bringing harm to human rights defenders (CNMH, 2020). In accordance with La Silla Vacia, the municipalities where the number of threats is higher are El Carmen de Bolivar, San Onofre and Los Palmitos, but it was found that in San Onofre, El Carmen de Bolivar and María la Baja are where the rate of homicides were higher (Olaya, 2021).  This situation is worrying due to the fundamental role teachers and social leaders plays in peacebuilding of Colombia and reflects the necessity to address these topics.    

The assassination of social leaders and teachers like Alfredo has produced widespread consternation among the public and authorities. From the territories, authorities such as governors have condemned the violent acts and expressed their concern.  In 2020, the education unions of the UK and Ireland launched a joint communiqué on the systematic violence experienced by teachers in Colombia, also reflecting their deep concern for the humanitarian crisis in the country and urging the national government to take appropriate measures to ensure peace for all (Justice for Colombia, 2020). Despite the fact that according to the Ombudsman’s Office, the number of assassinations of leaders decreased by 16% in 2023, the Ombudsman, Iris Marín Ortiz, has emphasized the challenges linked to human rights defenders (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2024). And there is nothing that reaffirms the Ombudsman’s words more than hearing new cases of assassinated leaders. To address this, it is certain that providing solutions to such a complex problem is challenging. However, given that the focus of the text revolves around teachers and their importance in building peace, recommendations will be directed towards this area. Education to mitigate violence and build peace gradually must be a key aspect. This would include more investment in peace education.  

As a way of conclusion, it is possible to say that the Colombian education sector has been deeply impacted by the country’s long history of violence. Teachers, especially in conflict-ridden regions like Montes de María, have been frequent targets of threats and attacks. The murder of Luis Alfredo Leones Alvarez, a respected educator, highlights the ongoing dangers faced by those working in education. His death, along with other cases of violence against teachers and social leaders, underscores the urgent need to address the root causes of violence and ensure the protection of educators. This is crucial for building a peaceful and just society, where education can thrive and contribute to positive social change.  

References  

Beltrán, D. (2024, 22 abril). Encontraron el cadáver de un rector de colegio torturado, amarrado y apuñalado: ofrecen $30 millones de recompensa. Infobae. https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2024/04/22/encontraron-el-cadaver-de-un-rector-de-colegio-torturado-amarrado-y-apunalado-ofrecen-30-millones-de-recompensa/#:~:text=Luis%20Alfredo%20Leones%20%C3%81lvarez%20fue,vivienda%20con%20signos%20de%20tortura&text=La%20comunidad%20en%20el%20municipio,la%20instituci%C3%B3n%20educativa%20Le%C3%B3n%20XIII  

Bolívar, C. y. P. (2024, 25 abril). “Crimen de Luis Alfredo Leones no quedará impune”: Yamil Arana. Gobernación de Bolívar. https://www.bolivar.gov.co/web/crimen-de-luis-alfredo-leones-no-quedara-impune-yamil-arana/  

Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. (2020, 2 julio). Llamado urgente del Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica sobre las amenazas a líderes sociales de los Montes de María. https://centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/llamado-urgente-del-centro-nacional-de-memoria-historica-sobre-las-amenazas-a-lideres-sociales-de-los-montes-de-maria/  

De Derechos Humanos y Conflictividades de Indepaz, O. (2024, 15 octubre). LÍDERES SOCIALES, DEFENSORES DE DD.HH y FIRMANTES DE ACUERDO ASESINADOS EN 2024 – Indepaz. https://indepaz.org.co/lideres-sociales-defensores-de-dd-hh-y-firmantes-de-acuerdo-asesinados-en-2024/  

Defensoría del Pueblo – Colombia. (2024, 31 octubre). Defensoría del Pueblo de Colombia lidera creación del Grupo de Trabajo para las Personas Defensoras de Derechos Humanos y Liderazgo Social en Iberoamérica. https://www.defensoria.gov.co/-/defensor%C3%ADa-del-pueblo-de-colombia-lidera-creaci%C3%B3n-del-grupo-de-trabajo-para-las-personas-defensoras-de-derechos-humanos-y-liderazgo-social-en-iberoam%C3%A9rica  

ElheraldoCo, R. (2024, 15 septiembre). Rector de colegio de San Jacinto fue hallado muerto con signos de violencia. ELHERALDO.CO. https://www.elheraldo.co/bolivar/2024/04/20/rector-de-colegio-de-san-jacinto-fue-hallado-muerto-con-signos-de-violencia/  

Justice for Colombia. (2020, 26 mayo). British and Irish education unions denounce violence against Colombian teachers – justice for colombia. https://justiceforcolombia.org/news/british-and-irish-education-unions-denounce-violence-against-colombian-teachers/  

Olaya, R. O. (2023, 20 septiembre). Violencia contra líderes y lideresas sociales en Los Montes de María en los últimos 11 años. La Silla Vacía. https://www.lasillavacia.com/red-de-expertos/red-de-la-paz/violencia-contra-lideres-y-lideresas-sociales-en-los-montes-de-maria-en-los-ultimos-11-anos/  

Sucesos, R. (2024, 23 mayo). Revelan detalles importantes del homicidio del profesor Luis Leones Álvarez. www.eluniversal.com.co. https://www.eluniversal.com.co/sucesos/2024/05/23/revelan-detalles-importantes-del-homicidio-del-profesor-luis-leones-alvarez/  

Who will defend the defenders? The case of Nataneal Díaz & the south of Bolívar. 

Natanael Díaz spoke out over the presence of illegal groups and acts of corruption in the south of Bolívar before he was shot dead in October 2022.

Originally published on May 30th, 2023 

Article written by Catalina Barraza, Angie Galofre & Sara Garcia 

The growing number of cases of deaths of social leaders in Colombia represents one of the greatest concerns for the country. According to Santacruz (2020), social leaders are characterized by their defense and promotion of human rights and have in recent years been subjected to countless acts of barbarism by the different armed actors of the internal conflict in Colombia. The UN Human Rights Office defines a social leader as “a person who acts on behalf of a human right (or rights) of an individual or a group and that every social leader is a human right defender”. The Ombudsman’s Office in Colombia registered the deaths of 216 social leaders in 2022 alone. Among the places affected by this problematic situation is the Caribbean region. This is an area which comprises seven departments: Atlántico, Bolívar, Magdalena, La Guajira, Cesar, Córdoba and Sucre and the San Andrés and Providencia archipelago. While the Caribbean region may be less affected by this worrying dynamic than other regions such as the south-west of Colombia, the statistics remain hugely alarming; there have been 27 social leaders murdered in the Caribbean region between August 2022 and April 2023 (Indepaz). Undoubtedly, the department of Bolivar is one of the most eye-catching places for the development of illegal activities given its strategic position that allows armed groups to smuggle contraband, extract minerals and cultivate coca crops. This complex situation in Bolivar means it is a potentially dangerous area for those who represent and defend the interests of communities. One such leader is Natanael Diaz Iriarte. Natanael was described as a well-known social leader in the department who had fought for the correct use of resources in Bolivar. He was a candidate for the Council of Mangangué and a participant in the communal action board in Tacasaluma. In addition, he was the 1361st social leader killed since The Final Agreement and the 132nd in 2022 (Indepaz, 2022). In this article, we will be discussing the details of the murder of Natanael Díaz Iriarte, the armed groups allegedly involved, the broad situation in Bolivar and how the communities there deal with the violence, and finally, the perspective of international organizations, before presenting some final considerations.  

The story of Natanael’s murder is not very well detailed by the media or the authorities. What is known is that he was allegedly murdered by paramilitaries on October 1st, 2022, while he was going from Magangué to Tacasaluma, Bolivar. His death was immediate after he was shot six times by armed men who intercepted him. His body was found on the road to Barranco de Yuca. As a social and political leader, Natanael was running for the local council of Magangué for the ADA political party and led different communal actions in Tacasaluma. He had alerted the control entities about the theft and waste of resources assigned by the national government for works in the municipality. He had also addressed the presence of various armed groups in the small rural communities of Magangué and in the south of Bolivar. As stated by Indepaz (2022), institutions such as the Ombudsman’s office had addressed that the presence of armed groups such as ELN (left-wing guerrillas), Frente 37 (dissidents of the FARC guerrilla organization) and the AGC (also known as the Clan del Golfo; neo-paramilitaries now considered as the largest illegal group in Colombia), which according to the International Committee of the Red Cross, are the armed wing of a non-state party to a non-international armed conflict. These groups in the territory had led to an alarming increase of murders, tortures, displacements, and many other violations of human rights. Due to this, the citizens, and especially the members of the JAC (community action boards) have been highly affected and indeed have suffered from violent situations in the territory. As stated by the journalistic portal Rutas del conflicto, the communities affected by the conflict in the south of Bolivar and other departments have resisted through community organization, demanding compliance with the Final Agreement (the 2016 peace agreement signed by the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas) and their constitutional rights. Despite this, the struggles and resistance of the communities and their social leaders have been overshadowed by consistent stigmatization, as they are constantly accused of being accomplices of the armed groups. However, the leaders emphasize that their ideals and motivations go against the violence and violations that these groups have exercised against the communities, a situation that has not been adequately addressed either by the state or the armed groups. Thanks to a strong sense of commitment and these strong ideals, many social leaders keep on addressing their community’s situation and continue to stick up for their rights. Unfortunately, as occurred with Natanael, many of them end up as victims of murders and threats. In order to demonstrate the scale of the problem, in the next paragraph we will be focusing on some other cases that bear similarities with that of Natanael.  

In addition to Natanael’s murder, the number of social and political leaders murdered keeps growing at an alarming rate. Some of these are even so close in terms of time and location that entities and the community should be even more concerned. Two of these are the cases of Luis Peña and Juan Navarro, who were both political leaders of the Pacto Histórico political coalition. Luis Peña Salcedo was murdered on December 7, 2022; he had been running for the local council of Magangué, Bolivar. Three days later, on December 10, 2022, Juan Bautista Navarro, a lawyer and associate of Luis Peña, and also the husband of Partido Verde and Pacto Histórico leader Yaneidis Toscano, was shot dead by two men riding on a motorcycle on a street in the Montecarlos neighborhood of Magangué. It appears that these men had been denouncing acts of corruption in the area and therefore found themselves in a vulnerable situation, similar to what Natanael’s situation was like. These cases indicate the increasing threat to social leaders in Bolivar, but the trend is a nationwide issue. According to the Ombudsman’s Office, 199 murders of social leaders were reported from January to November 30 of 2022, which is “the highest figure” since 2016, when this state institution began keeping records: exceeding both 2021 with 145 cases and 2020 with 182. Experts state that the restrictions on movement caused by the Covid-19 pandemic allowed illegal groups to strengthen their control over areas such as the south of Bolivar, where the presence of the state in terms of institutions and opportunities has historically been weak. As Ramón Abril from the Corporación Regional para la Defensa de Derechos Humanos for the Portal Rutas del Conflicto said, the clashes for control between illegal groups increased and this struggle for domination increases the dangers for the local communities. The humanitarian crisis increased way faster than expected and got to such an extent that it was almost impossible for organizations (governmental and non-governmental) to enter these communities’ territories, especially villages with difficult road access and far from municipal capitals. Hence, some of the challenges faced by the territories affected by the conflict, specifically the area of southern Bolivar, will be discussed below.  

Bolivar, and particularly the south of the department, faces many challenges which contribute to the marginalization of its communities and inhabitants. Colombia has one of the largest numbers of coca crops in the world and resource theft. Throughout its history, the Colombian government has attempted to eradicate the proliferation of crops. The Final Agreement is an example of the government’s efforts, but it seems to have remained on paper alone. The power vacuum in departments such as Bolívar has contributed to the proliferation of illegal groups and illegal acts which has increased poverty, marginalization and the systematic death of social leaders. As Flórez (2018) said, in this sub-region of the Medio-Magdalena, communities are still waiting for the implementation of the agreement signed with the former FARC guerrillas. Furthermore, Trejos (2019) stated that “the south of Bolivar is one of the most inaccessible territories of the Caribbean, and it does not even have adequate access roads from the north of the region” which evidences the theft of resources, whereby resources allocated for infrastructure development and other needs of region are not used as they should (cited in La Libertad Sublime, 2020). Natanael had been asking questions regarding those stolen resources in the area. For context, from the national government, the department of Bolivar receives money for public works and to supply the needs of the territory, but said money was not being invested. Natanael had shown his concern due to the fact the community needed the money to repair roads. Defending rights costs the lives of social leaders such as Natanael, who was silenced by the shadowy forces which exercise control in territories such as these. In a broader view, in recent reports given by the UN in 2022, even though the Office of the Attorney General and the Ministry of Defense have improved in terms of tackling criminal organizations, The National Comprehensive Program for the Substitution of Illicit Crops is not complete. The UN has recommended the protection of civilians and social leaders in vulnerable areas such as Bolívar. As well as the correct investigation of cases of social leader killed by illegal groups. In addition, Human Rights Watch (2023) has suggested the creation of an “anti-violence policy,” re-starting peace negotiations with the ELN, and reforming security and drug policies. Regarding the peace process with the ELN, it has been characterized by failed processes and governments that have tried to negotiate, unsuccessfully, throughout the country’s recent history. (CNN, 2023). They also pointed out that the “government often lacks sufficient funding to assist displaced people, and national government assistance has often been slow and insufficient” (Hassan, 2023). Clearly, it is an alarming situation that needs to be addressed. That’s why in the next paragraph we will be focusing on how the entities in Bolivar have managed the situation and the measures taken.  

Various entities have commented on this worrying situation. State institutions such as the Ombudsman’s Office have addressed the murder of Natanael Díaz, expressing their solidarity with the family of the victim. This institution has also asked the authorities to clarify the crime and has called on the illegal groups to respect the life of social leaders. According to the reports of this institution, some of the observations made by the Ombudsman’s Office regarding the presence of armed groups in Bolivar that Nathanael had previously addressed were for example, that in some areas of the department of Bolivar there would be an openly supported candidacy for the Special Transitional Peace Districts (CTEP/CITREP for their initials in Spanish). This led to the actions and position in front of the electoral contest for each of the illegal armed groups to establish situations of risk which affected the electoral elections that took place between March and June 2022. In addition to the vast evidence of the presence of armed groups in electoral spaces in Bolívar, these groups have been identified as being involved in the forced recruitment of minors (mainly from indigenous populations), the installation of landmines, murders of social leaders and human rights defenders (Indepaz, 2022). Another institution that has denounced the critical situation in Bolívar has been the Truth Commission, which was established following the 2016 peace agreement in order to clarify and document the causes and impact of the armed conflict. According to this entity, in the context of deep social contradictions and state repression, the different actors of the war appeared and developed. After the peace of the nineties, the FARC-EP and the ELN took possession of strategic territories in the Caribbean such as the Montes de María, located in Bolivar. There, drug trafficking organizations, public forces, landowners and politicians converged in the paramilitary network, raising the old system of private security groups to its maximum lethality. The result was a war where the great loser was the rural population. Bolivar has always been agitated by violence, which is why the Commission insists on “Strengthening territorial processes of dialogue and peacebuilding in the territory to promote a model of territorial management that recognizes the great inequalities that have historically characterized the territorial configuration of the Caribbean and its relationship with the persistence of armed conflict”. This is just a brief reflection of how the department of Bolivar has suffered from a huge wave of violence throughout the years of conflict, and this is due to its strategic location, which is used for illegal drug crops and smuggling routes. Sadly, despite the 2016 peace agreement signed with the FARC, the situation has stayed the same if not deteriorated. Leaders such as Natanael and vulnerable communities in the region are left to pay the price.  

By way of conclusion, violence remains ever present in the most remote corners of our country. This has wrought intergenerational havoc that in addition to causing insecurity in the population, displacement of communities, and the theft of needed resources, also threatens the welfare of those social leaders who from their territories advocate for the rights of their communities, or as in the case of Natanael, denounced the presence of armed groups and corruption as an informal institution of the state. Cases such as those of Natanael, Luis Peña or Juan Navarro; social leaders who were characterized by the defense and promotion of human rights and who were brutally murdered, will sadly not stop. The innocent victims of the conflict have no guarantees to exercise their rights and only through the reports of organizations such as the UN, Indepaz and the Ombudsman’s Office are we able to measure the vulnerability of these territories, in our specific case Bolivar and its respective leaders. It is of course pertinent to state that like the south of Bolivar, various regions which have traditionally been most afflicted by the effects of the armed conflict continue to suffer disproportionately. For this reason and considering what has been stated by the Truth Commission, we propose a series of routes to be followed for the armed conflict to stop in the south of Bolivar. First, it is essential that there be a true connection between the state and the territories. In this regard, the territorial office of the Victims Unit believes that there is a need for greater social investment, mining regulation and legalization of properties for the inhabitants in the region. As we know, the ELN has a significant presence in Bolivar, so we present a series of recommendations of the Truth Commission on how to proceed in the peace process; The National Government should recognize the «Protocol established in the event of a breakdown in the negotiation of peace talks Colombian Government-ELN» presented by the Commission and promote regional initiatives and spaces for dialogues focused on mitigating the humanitarian impacts of confrontation and addressing the structural factors that persist in the armed conflict. To the ELN, to respect and guarantee the work of humanitarian agencies in the territories in which they are present and to take unilateral measures and gestures that contribute to the guarantee of the rights of the civilian population and communities and to the creation of conditions conducive to dialogue. The importance of compliance with the Agreement and guarantees of a lasting peace that includes negotiation with other insurgent groups such as the ELN should be paramount. These recommendations must be followed and be implemented in the context of Bolivar, which unfortunately has had the presence of armed groups for many years that have put at risk the lives of thousands of inhabitants and social leaders such as Natanael Diaz.  

Information sourced from: https://repositorio.unbosque.edu.co/bitstream/handle/20.500.12495/3690/Santacruz_Garcia_Diana_Marcela_2020.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y  

LÍDERES SOCIALES, DEFENSORES DE DD.HH Y FIRMANTES DE ACUERDO ASESINADOS EN 2022
https://www.lalibertadsublime.com/post/bol%C3%ADvar-state-absence-leaves-south-of-department-to-suffer-due-to-the-prevalence-of-illegal-economi
https://www.eluniversal.com.co/regional/bolivar/en-bolivar-aumentaron-los-cultivos-ilicitos-CX1541235

Click to access n2238676.pdf

https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2023
https://cnnespanol.cnn.com/2023/02/13/eln-historia-procesos-de-paz-colombia-orix/
https://comisiondelaverdad.co/caribe-conflicto-armado-poder-politico-y-conflictos-por-la-tierra
Informe sobre presencia de grupos armados en Colombia 2021 – 2022 (1)
https://rutasdelconflicto.com/especiales/conflicto-continua/sur-bolivar/postacuerdo.html#:~:text=El%20Sur%20del%20Bol%C3%ADvar%20vive,que%20participaron%20en%20este%20especial.
https://www.bluradio.com/blu360/caribe/lider-del-pacto-historico-fue-asesinado-en-magangue-bolivar-van-dos-en-menos-de-72-horas-rg10
https://www.wradio.com.co/2023/04/01/sismo-en-area-de-influencia-del-volcan-nevado-del-ruiz-se-sintio-en-villamaria-caldas/
https://www.swissinfo.ch/spa/colombia-conflicto_asesinan-en-colombia-a-2-l%C3%ADderes-sociales-vinculados-a-coalici%C3%B3n-de-gobierno/48126370
Por qué asesinaron al líder social de Magangué, Natanael Díaz Iriarte
https://m.eluniversal.com.co/sucesos/asesinan-a-lider-civico-en-magangue-policia-dice-que-no-tenia-amenazas-FK7286016
https://www.rcnradio.com/colombia/caribe/asesinan-a-reconocido-lider-social-de-magangue-bolivar
https://www.eluniversal.com.co/sucesos/dos-homicidios-temor-en-magangue-por-asesinato-de-lideres-del-petrismo-XK7628167
https://rutasdelconflicto.com/especiales/conflicto-continua/sur-bolivar/postacuerdo.html#:~:text=El%20Sur%20del%20Bol%C3%ADvar%20vive,que%20participaron%20en%20este%20especial.

The murders of Juan Bautista & Luis Peña and the need for greater media and government attention. 

Pacto Historico members Juan Bautista and Luis Peña were both murdered within days of one another in Bolívar 

Originally published on September 26th, 2023 

Updated: September 27th, 2023 

Article written by Tatiana Montes, Lina Perez & Laura Rada 

Despite the change of government to a left-wing party (the Pacto Historico coalition led by current Colombian president Gustavo Petro), which promoted social justice in its campaign, the panorama for social leaders in Colombia does not seem to be changing. According to Indepaz, across 2022 and as of May 2023, 237 social leaders had been murdered, 116 of them during the current administration. Alarming rates in approximately 7 months. However, they are much more than just numbers. Thus, within this shocking list of 237 leaders, families and shattered hopes, we find the stories of Luis Peña and Juan Bautista Navarro, both shot dead in December 2022. They were civic leaders who had denounced corruption and promoted change, and both were also members of the Pacto Historico party in the municipality of Magangué, in the south of Bolívar. All this in a local context of a strong presence of guerrilla groups and narco-paramilitary groups in this department, in accordance with the Indepaz report on the presence of armed groups in Colombia (2022). This article will address the particularities and similarities of these cases with others in the department. Likewise, it will include an analysis of the responses of the media and government institutions.  

It must be stated clearly that these crimes are not isolated events. Luis Peña was the president of the Community Action Board (JAC) of the ‘Dos de Noviembre’ neighborhood, and Juan Bautista Navarro was a lawyer with more than 30 years of experience. Navarro was Peña’s legal representative to claim, through administrative and judicial channels, to the municipal mayor’s office of Magangué regarding some labor related issues (Torres, 2022). In fact, Peña worked in the mayor’s office during the term of former mayor Pedro Alí. Additionally, the crimes had the same modus operandi: armed men on motorbikes shot them to death at the doors of their respective houses. Also, the events occurred within 72 hours of one another, on December 8th in the case of Peña and December 10th in the case of Navarro. Moreover, Bautista was the husband of a former council candidate for El Partido Verde (the Green Party), which is also a member of the Pacto Histórico. According to the early warning AT 004/2022 emitted by the Ombudsman’s Office, community leaderships represent one of the sectors most affected by violence, especially in territories with the presence of illegal armed groups. Likewise, this document established that some of these affectations are threats, homicides, intimidation, persecution, gender-based violence, forced displacement, and pressures under coercion and stigmatization, among others. Unfortunately, all of the above can be seen in the context of Bolivar.  

The department of Bolivar, and particularly the south of the department, has been historically marginalized and impacted by the armed conflict. The humanitarian crisis in the south of Bolivar has intensified since 2019, as illegal groups in addition to actors from the private sectors are competing to establish control over lucrative resources, with the former being involved in activities such as illegal mining, drug trafficking, illicit crops and other legal and illegal economic activities, but also due to a military-focused state presence (Rutas del Conflicto). Some of the illegal groups in the region are left-wing guerrilla organizations like the ELN and FARC dissidences (Frente 37), paramilitary groups like AGC (an illegal armed group formed from the extinct AUC paramilitaries), and organized crime groups, according to information from the Ombudsman’s Office. In addition to these illicit business interests, these groups have also been using violence against community leaders, as a way to assert control and intimidate communities. Moreover, another cause of the armed conflict in the south of Bolívar is the role of Colombian state. According to Rutas del Conflicto, many leaders had expressed that in terms of recognizing rights and promoting a dignified life for the communities, there is no real and effective state presence. They also mention Águeda Plata (territorial coordinator of the Truth Commission in Magdalena Medio), who established that the state is present in the region with a high presence of the security forces (military), but that the problem is that this presence of military forces has not been able to protect the lives and property of the inhabitants. Social leaders have been notable victims of this scenario.  

Additionally, the deaths of social leaders have been characterized by the lack of information shared by the local and national media. This means that the information on the murders of Peña and Bautista is limited with different media sources simply regurgitating the same information, without a thorough analysis of the regional context or the type of work the leaders had been involved in. Generally, the media only share the name of the murdered social leader, the way he or she was killed, and the city or municipality where they worked. Nevertheless, in addition to the failure to properly explore the context around the murders, the media do not communicate the impact of the death on their relatives. Experts affirm that this problem “has been made invisible by the country’s major media, which do not provide sufficient coverage of this type of events” (Cárdenas, 2022), which causes the stories of the men and women murdered to be forgotten or reduced to simple numbers on a board. At the same time, the lack of information generates that Colombians do not dimension the size of this problem and forget names like those of Luis Peña and Juan Bautista. It is important to highlight that this has not been the case with different international institutions and organizations, such as Human Right Watch, or national NGOs such as INDEPAZ, who have taken the lead in the spreading of information about this phenomenon that affects thousands of families, communities, and indeed the whole country.  

Subsequently local and national institutions have generally lacked the will or resources to protect social leaders or to fully investigate their murders. As mentioned previously, Colombia elected its first left-leaning government, led by President Gustavo Petro, in 2022. One of the great hopes for this government was that much more attention and resources would be focused on the long marginalized and forgotten parts of the country. Indeed, vice-president Francia Marquez was a social leader herself and was pivotal in ensuring many from previously war-torn regions voted in the hope of seeing real change. While Marquez has spent much of her time thus far in visiting many of these areas and communities, the Petro government has ran into difficulties in terms of implementing reforms, and little progress has been made in terms of resolving the structural issues which allow these crimes to occur. In fact, the deaths of social leaders have not stopped despite the change of government. As Millán (2023) puts it, “for those who were once the opposition and are now the government, the massacres and murders of social leaders have ceased to exist, since recognizing the continued existence of this reality would reveal Petro’s lack of execution”. In this sense, despite the current government repeating the discourse of “total peace”, a law proposed by Gustavo Petro that seeks to generate dialogue with guerrillas, drug traffickers and paramilitary groups to deactivate the conflict, there has been no real progress in terms of investigating the deaths of leaders such as Luis Peña and Juan Bautista. Among the deficiencies presented by the institutions in relation to the murders of social leaders, we find a lack of budget to implement policies, a lack of efforts to prosecute those both ordering and carrying out murders, and a delay in response to requests for help from different social leaders, among others. In the words of Human Right Watch (2021), “Colombia has many policies, mechanisms, and laws to prevent abuses against human rights defenders, however, their implementation has often been poor. Based on this, the reality is a far cry from the appearances presented by successive governments.  

In summary, the deaths of social leaders in Magangué, in the department of Bolivar, and indeed throughout Colombia is a hugely serious issue that urgently and effectively needs to be addressed. The change of government in Colombia to a leftist party that promoted social justice and total peace has yet to change the outlook for social leaders in the country. In fact, community leaders are one of the sectors most affected by violence in Colombia, especially in territories with the presence of illegal armed groups. The cases of Luis Peña and Juan Bautista Navarro are examples of the multiple stories of devastated families and shattered hopes. Specifically, the lack of a security policy has contributed to an increase in violence against the civilian population in Colombia. Likewise, the lack of information shared by the local and national media about social leaders is alarming, since this makes it difficult to identify patterns and develop effective strategies to address violence in the country. For that reason, the Colombian government must take measures to protect and guarantee the safety of social leaders by strengthening protection systems for them and their communities, and by investigating and prosecuting those responsible for the attacks. Ensuring respect for human rights and the rule of law throughout the country is critical to building a more just and peaceful society for all.  

Information sourced from:  

Seis meses con Petro: un mal precedente

Click to access 004-22.pdf

LÍDERES SOCIALES, DEFENSORES DE DD.HH Y FIRMANTES DE ACUERDO ASESINADOS EN 2022
LÍDERES SOCIALES, DEFENSORES DE DD.HH Y FIRMANTES DE ACUERDO ASESINADOS EN 2023

http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?pid=S0121-51672022000200148&script=sci_arttext  

Exigen esclarecer enigma del doble asesinato de «Lucho Loco» y su abogado (I)

The murder of rural leaders Teofilo Acuña and Jorge Tafur shows the struggles over land in Cesar 

Rural leaders Teofilo Acuña & Jorge Tafur worked to stop the development of private initiatives such as mining on public lands in Cesar until they were silenced by bullets.

Originally published on April 28th, 2023.

Article written by Ada Hernandez, Valeria Rincon & Alejandra Niebles 

Colombia has been recognized, unfortunately, for suffering almost seventy years of internal conflict. The same conflict that has affected much of the population and, particularly, has affected those commonly called social leaders. Social leaders are people who stick up against the human rights infractions in the country and represent the interests and needs of their community according to the Humanitarian Leadership Academy, and it is a form of authority earned within the different communities and founded upon personal reputation. In 2016, the Colombian government and the FARC guerrilla group signed a historic Peace Agreement, product of several years of negotiations in Havana, Cuba; nevertheless, this agreement has not guaranteed the end of conflict as many people think. The FARC guerrillas may have laid down their weapons and vacated territories they once controlled, but other illegal organizations have stepped in to replace them. Violence continues to be used as a way to control the population in long marginalized rural communities and those who represent the interests of such communities, principally social leaders, are being murdered with a worrying frequency. This text wants to explore this situation by looking at certain cases of violence against social leaders in the department of Cesar in order to analyze the dynamics present in that region and better understand this current wave of violence in Colombia.  

Cesar is one of thirty-two departments that make up Colombia. It is situated in the northeast of the country, and it is a department where cattle farming and coal mining are central to the economy. In Cesar, two men were shot in cold blood at the same place and hour. Two families got destroyed and two women became widows. Teófilo Acuña and Jorge Tafur were murdered on the evening of 22nd February 2022 in San Martín, Cesar. They were social leaders, who wanted to resolve land disputes in the region because, even with the signing of the Peace Agreement, the issue of land ownership and access to land remains unresolved, and threats and infractions against activists and human rights defenders still occur. And this is not an isolated episode; in Colombia people like Jorge and Teófilo receive warnings and threats because of their activism and community work. Most leaders keep fighting and, unfortunately as in this case, are killed because of the work they do and the interests their work complicates. Jorge and Teófilo were working on behalf of communities to have access to playones comunales. These are vacant territories that are periodically flooded by the water of the swamps or rivers, and these have been historically accessed and inhabited by peasant communities in this territory. These playones located in Cesar and Magdalena Medio were the main struggle of both Jorge Tafur and Teofilo Acuña. This struggle led them to disputes with different landowners and private interests in these areas. In particular, the leaders were opposed to the commercial mining interests that were planned on some of these playones. Both leaders had received threats for the actions they were taking; Teófilo Acuña had brought legal action against the state for the granting of mining titles in these supposedly protected public lands. According to a report in El Espectador, this legal action resulted in a decision in favor of Acuña. Unfortunately, this decision came seven months after Acuña and Tafur were brutally murdered. As was already mentioned, Colombia is a country marked by violence, and this violence is almost integrated into its culture. Therefore, unfortunately, these men were identified as being an obstacle for the interests of some and these men were killed, like many other social leaders in Colombia. One can also observe certain irregularities in relation to the investigation of this crime, such as the fact that the police reportedly never arrived at the scene of the crime (Verdad Abierta,2022). Such a situation provides an indication of how affected certain state institutions must be by the corruption of the country and how these institutions allow, in one way or another, the impunity which reigns in relation to cases like this. This information also indicates why so many other cases have happened in the department of Cesar.  

As well as the case of Jorge Tafur and Teófilo Acuña, many other leaders have been murdered in the department of Cesar such as Alexander Escobar Molina, Albert Mejia Portillo, and Uladiemiro Vega Garcia. Alexander Enrique Escobar Molina was the president of the JAC (Community Action Board) of the Nuevo Amanecer neighborhood, in the municipality of Aguachica in the south of the department of César. However, he was shot dead outside the house where he was living in Sabanalarga, Atlantico, on July 13th, 2021. While there have been arrests for the murder, no motive has been clearly established. Albert Mejia Portillo was a recognized social and peasant leader, who was part of land reclamation processes in the region, and was from El Silencio, in rural Tamalameque. Albert was shot dead on November 25th, 2021, as he made his way to a meeting about land restitution. Finally, Uladiemiro Vega Garcia, president of the Community Action Board of the Cimarrón corregimiento, in the Río de Oro municipality, Cesar, was murdered on February 10th, 2022, at the hands of armed men. Uladiemiro had been known as a dedicated social activist in the area who had defended the rights of workers. Furthermore, there was the murder of rural leader Jose Luis Quiñones, who like Teofilo Acuña and Jorge Tafur, had been involved in efforts to stop the development of private interests on the playones of his region. Like Teofilo and Jorge, Jose Luis Quiñones was also silenced by gunmen, in August 2022. Unfortunately, these cases are indicative of the threats and violence faced, not only by leaders in Cesar, but also by leaders throughout Colombia. And despite all this, we are yet to see definitive action from the government in order to resolve this situation. This is a situation which is repeated in departments throughout the country. According to INDEPAZ, over 1,400 social leaders, like the cases outlined above, have been murdered in Colombia since the signing of the peace agreement with the FARC in 2016. Such stark numbers make it imperative to explore the root causes behind this situation, which in many instances means looking at inequality and land access.  

It is important to mention that among the main problems that can be found in the department of Cesar, and indeed throughout Colombia, are related to conflict over land. For this reason, many causes and consequences of this conflict are related to the productive models of the region such as extensive cattle ranching, monocultures, and agroindustry. In other words, economic activities demand enormous extensions of land. Consequently, this productive model has generated a process of concentration of properties, land, and water little by little. The main characteristic of the territory of Cesar is that most of its municipalities are rural; this factor plays a fundamental role in the analysis of the area concerning issues such as violence and poverty. According to the National Administrative Statistic Department (DANE), in Cesar, the monetary poverty index is 56.0% and the multidimensional poverty index is 25.3%; the unsatisfied basic needs index is 22.8%; All of which evidences the high vulnerability of the population, mainly in the case of the dispersed rural population, where misery affects 14% of the population. The demand for land for private enterprises, micro and macro, legal and illicit, turns this situation into a perilous one. So, what can and should be done to improve things?  

For these reasons, we want to suggest some strategies to promote peace in Cesar’s society. These recommendations are based primarily on the studies of Unimilitar researchers. Now, considering what these researchers have said, we would like to see a search for respect for communities and social leaders in a practical and forceful way. From education to then having an increasingly wise and prudent course of actions, they state that the best way to prevent the spread of hateful policies and disrespect for history, communities and social leaders by certain segments of civil society is to know and understand history from the most primary sphere of education. This is because those children who grow up educated in history and with respect for it, tend to have a particular conception about the way they need to behave, promoting civic participation and a sense of belonging. This way, we can identify what is happening in the education system and, by knowing what the problem is, keep working in order to find a solution. Other relevant suggestions to implement and try to mitigate the violence in the department of Cesar include the UN recommendations. According to the United Nations, many of these cases of violence and territorial conflicts have been increasing due to non-state armed groups, and for this reason it recommends concerted and decisive action by the State in the following areas. The institution says that the State should significantly reduce and eventually eliminate the presence of non-state armed groups in the territories affected by the conflict, through the adoption and adequate implementation of an effective public policy for the dismantling of armed groups, as well as the development of a legal framework and an optimal strategy for the collective subjugation of the groups as foreseen in the Peace Agreement. On the other hand, the UN proposes that Colombia develop and implement a state strategy for the protection of civilians and suggests that there be a call from the populations affected by the violence and the internal conflict for the implementation of humanitarian or peace agreements with non-state armed groups. One of the most important recommendations that the United Nations give for cases, such as Cesar, is the prioritization of the correct implementation of the Peace Agreement, particularly the project of Rural Integral Reform, focused on the Development with a Territorial Approach (PDET for its initials in Spanish), and last but not least, this institution recommends the strengthening of local governments throughout the territory and in the areas most affected by violence and the internal armed conflict, through reinforcing the presence and capacity of the institutions of the justice system and control agencies in the territories.  

Finally, about the current situation in the country, the situation is becoming more and more relevant in the international sphere but also in the local community because each time there are more people raising their voices for human rights. However, as seen in this text, there are people silencing them in the most extreme way. Cases like these are concerning because of the increasing impunity one can identify regarding the more than 1,400 social leaders murdered since the peace agreement in 2016. Also, one cannot ignore the absence of the State in the department of Cesar and the weakness of many of its institutions exploring the root causes behind this situation. In addition, the threats and murders of social leaders are increasing not just in Cesar, but in the entire country. For this reason, civil society, local groups and international institutions have initiated a monitoring of the peace agreement. Likewise, these types of cases have acquired greater visibility in the press and have awakened a national interest in finding a solution to this problem. Such a solution is absolutely essential for the future of the country as when leaders like Jorge Tafur and Teofilo Acuña are murdered, families are torn apart, communities lose valuable voices and struggles for greater equality and social development are stalled. We hope that this text will help you to understand the situation a little more and to invite you to support communities affected by violence.  

Information sourced from:  

https://www.elheraldo.co/cesar/alarma-por-movimientos-de-ocupacion-ilegal-en-curumani-cesar-935753
Disputas por tierras en Cesar rodean asesinato del líder social Luis Quiñones 
https://www.lalibertadsublime.com/post/slain-leaders-like-luis-carlos-hern%C3%A1ndez-represent-the-visible-face-of-our-sad-reality
https://www.lalibertadsublime.com/post/cesar-inequality-and-absence-of-state-allows-violence-against-social-leaders
https://www.lalibertadsublime.com/post/working-for-your-community-can-mean-a-death-sentence-in-colombia-the-case-of-aramis-arenas-bayona
https://www.lalibertadsublime.com/post/yobani-carranza-worked-to-defend-the-environment-for-his-local-community-it-seems-this-work-cost-hi
https://www.lalibertadsublime.com/post/the-security-situation-of-community-leaders-in-the-caribbean-region-continues-to-deteriorate
https://www.umng.edu.co/documents/20127/238850/NUEVA+ETAPA+DE+VIOLENCIA+Y+EXPANSIO%CC%81N+DEL+CONFLICTO+COLOMBIANO.pdf/e403e142-13a8-08e9-43ab-9b97a22ce9a9?t=1612355070246
https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2022/07/colombia-urgent-government-action-needed-rising-violence-rural-areas-gravely

The Murder of Neiver Pertuz and State Abandonment in Magdalena. 

Social leader Neiver Pertuz defended the rights of his community in Remolino (Magdalena) until his murder in August 2022. 

Originally published on August 17th, 2023 

Article written by Andrea Alvarado, Sebastian Cera & Laura Utria. 

Colombia has been struggling with state abandonment for decades, particularly in its rural areas, where armed conflict, drug trafficking, and political violence have disrupted the social fabric and undermined the government’s legitimacy and authority. The roots of state abandonment in Colombia can be traced back to the country’s colonial history, where unequal land distribution, exclusionary politics, and racial discrimination created a legacy of social inequality and political marginalization. Despite efforts to address these issues, Colombia remains one of the most unequal countries in the world, with significant disparities in income, education, and health outcomes. Many parts of the country continue to face significant challenges in terms of security, access to basic services, and human rights protection. That’s why the figure of social leaders plays such a crucial role. They don’t have too much in common, their life contexts are different and their fights too. The similarities between them are primarily, they are people who are working for the welfare and rights of their communities. One thing that they certainly have in common is the dangers they face because of the valuable work they do. They have been, and continue to be, the targets of those looking to pursue profit at any cost, meaning not a week goes by without the murder of a social leader. In particular, the ongoing violence against social leaders, human rights defenders, and ethnic communities highlights the consequences of state abandonment in Colombia. This text will explore these issues by looking at the murder of one such social leader.  

State abandonment in Colombian territory has caused deep consequences in the sphere of social leadership. One of the many consequences has been the murder of social leaders. This represents a critical problem because social leaders play a fundamental role in society as defenders of Human Rights, as well as preserving the welfare of the community. This work is fundamental in remote areas because without the presence of this leadership, some armed groups would have total control of these areas. Neiver Pertuz was one such leader who was murdered in the privacy of his home on August 28th, 2022. Neiver was characterized as a person concerned for the welfare of his community, and he exercised activism in relation to different human rights issues. Neiver had suffered threats from paramilitary groups the day before his murder, reportedly due to his participation in the truth commission. This entity was responsible for clarifying different events and situations that occurred in the context of the armed conflict that Colombia has experienced throughout decades. Neiver did not receive any help from the State to safeguard his life from the threats of these actors who kept their word and took his life. For these groups, Neiver represented a danger in the face of the different statements that could be made in the context of the truth commission. The municipality where Neiver lived has been scourged by armed violence, due to the presence of armed groups who emerged following the demobilization of AUC paramilitary forces. The inhabitants of the municipality of Remolino have said that “they (the neo-paramilitaries) arrive on the sidewalks, recruit, impose a whole show of fear and charge money to maintain a social order”. This sad fact is only one of many examples where the State has not been concerned with safeguarding the rights and lives of social leaders, who, like the communities they represent, have been left behind and abandoned to their own fate.  

The department of Magdalena, like many in Colombia, was severely affected by the armed conflict and continues to suffer from a poor state presence. This fact allows illegal actors such as the Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia (AGC) and the Autodefensas Conquistadores de la Sierra Nevada (ACSN) to thrive and establish their own control of legal and illegal processes. Both groups appeared from the demobilization of AUC paramilitaries. Both groups try to control lucrative routes and economies in the department. And both groups are responsible for violence against social leaders in the department. Within the last number of years, the department has seen several social leaders murdered. In 2019, the year began with the murders of Maritza Quiroz and Wilton Orrego and ended with the murder of Nathalia Jimenez alongside her husband Rodrigo Monsalve. In 2020, there were 5 social leaders killed in the department, including that of 70-year-old communal and environmental defender, Alejandro Llinas. There were 5 more leaders killed in 2021, including political activist Francisco Giacometto and trans activist Cristina Cantillo. In addition to the case of Neiver Pertuz, there were two other leaders murdered in Magdalena during 2022. Curiously, all three of these cases occurred within 6 weeks of one another. Land claimant Frai Torres was murdered near Ciénaga on September 21st. Another of the situations where we can evidence the absence of efficient security systems in Magdalena, and again in the municipality of Remolino (like Neiver Pertuz) happened on October 6th, 2022 with the murder of councilman Carlos Julio Silva, a 31 year old man who was on his way to a nearby municipality in his truck when subjects on motorcycles approached him and shot him dead. According to different newscasts and magazines, this was an attack against democracy and the processes that were taking place within the department and the crime was linked to armed groups that exercise control over political decisions through assassinations and threats to the communities. At the time of writing (April 2023), there has thus far been one more leader killed in the department, the case of civic leader Milton Rocha Peña on February 19th. While Magdalena has clearly been deeply affected by this wave of violence against activists, the pattern is seen throughout the country.  

Just as in Magdalena, the national situation is extremely worrying. According to INDEPAZ, there were 1,327 cases of murdered social leaders from November 2016 to March 17th 2022, of which 182 were women and where the departments of Cauca, Antioquia and Nariño were the most affected areas of the whole country. In addition, so far in 2023 (as of August 4th), there have been 100 social leaders murdered throughout Colombia, and yet the responses or security measures provided by the government are still not effective in the most remote areas of the country. This represents state power vacuums and the lack of protection for communities and the fulfillment of their fundamental human rights such as life and the right to free expression, since there is no single reason why these leaders are killed; there are cases of environmental leaders, politicians, people who support education or the improvement of people’s quality of life, such as the case of José Taicus Pascal, the first leader murdered in 2023, a 16-year-old youth belonging to the indigenous guard of the Awá people. Another example is Mariela Reyes Montenegro, murdered in Santander de Quilichao on the 2nd of January, who was a leader of the Public Service Workers and Employees Union (SintraEmsdes), where she served as Women’s Secretary on the union’s board. And not to mention others like Cristian Salinas, Alfonso Arteaga, Genivero Méndez, Arley Jaramillo, and many more, each with a different story and journey within the development of their communities. In the face of such violence, it is important to highlight the recommendations of the Truth Commission (established as part of the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas) regarding the agreement on territorial peace that seeks to guarantee conditions of welfare and a dignified life of communities in the territories and build a shared vision of territory and the future in order to overcome the difficulties that have been deepened by the conflict. All of this is a way to improve social security in remote areas, and hopefully a step in the right direction in terms of guaranteeing the safety of social leaders throughout Colombian territory. If they are implemented and adhered to that is.  

In conclusion, the Colombian territory is experiencing a grave problem regarding the guarantees of security for social leaders in remote areas. There are many examples of murdered social leaders which have shocked the country. However, many of these deaths occur without generating a sense of anger or outrage from the public. Every crime against a social leader results in a family tragedy and a weakened community. The figures are a shocking indication of the current situation in terms of human rights, and they only reflect the humanitarian crisis in Colombia. It has been difficult to face and overcome situations like these which cost the lives of leaders such as Neiver, and all the others mentioned in this article. However, it is hoped that if the state follows the recommendations of the Truth Commission, the situation can be better managed, and hopefully one day, social leaders and communities will be able to enjoy security and peace in their areas.  

References consulted for this article:  

https://caracol.com.co/emisora/2022/08/29/santa_marta/1661772200_800499.html
https://www.elespectador.com/colombia/mas-regiones/lider-social-es-asesinado-en-remolino-magdalena/
https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/otras-ciudades/magdalena-asesinato-de-lider-social-neiver-pertuz-en-remolino-698263
https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/443975-indepaz-denuncia-asesinato-consejal-colombia
https://www.telesurtv.net/news/colombia-asesinan-concejal-departamento-magdalena-20221007-0001.html
https://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/sujetos-en-motocicleta-asesinaron-a-concejal-de-remolino-magdalena/202227/

The murder of leaders like Javier Gamez highlights the structural issues in La Guajira and Colombia 

Agrarian leader Javier Gamez was murdered in La Guajira in December 2022. Like many murdered social leaders, his killing remains unsolved. 

Originally published on September 27th, 2023 

Article written by Maria Gil, Gabriela Marchena & Leidys Ospina 

The article will illustrate the negligence of the Colombian State in relation to different cases and situations regarding social leaders. Secondly, the article will present the case of Javier Gamez, a social leader who was murdered at the door of his house, and whose killing remains unsolved. Likewise, it will highlight the situation of social leaders around the department of La Guajira and throughout Colombia. It is important to note that the murder of social leaders in Colombia is a serious and worrisome problem, and that all state institutions and actors must work together to put an end to this violence. That is why this article will demonstrate the lack of effective actions that the Colombian State has had on the issue of social leaders. It is also important to talk about the situation of social leaders in Colombia because it is a hugely complex and concerning issue. According to reports from Colombian human rights organizations, social leaders – including human rights defenders, community organizers, Indigenous and Afro-descendant leaders, and environmental activists – face a high risk of violence, intimidation, and persecution. This article will therefore seek to provide insight into this terrible reality by focusing on the story of one such leader from La Guajira.  

 Javier Gamez was an agrarian leader from La Guajira. He was also a former territorial manager of the Office of the Comptroller General of La Guajira, and legal representative of the Agroim Association (located in the corregimiento La Junta, municipality of San Juan del Cesar, department of La Guajira). He was a fundamental part of this region’s community; his work was mainly focused on the progression and development of the peasants who worked the land and cultivated “fique” (a tough natural fiber made from the leaves of the plant Furcraea andina, similar to hemp). Javier had always been interested in helping his community in different ways, which is why he was also not only the president of Asofique, a project that benefits more than 300 farmers to promote the cultivation of fique in the village of La Junta, but also a defender of the peace agreement, and an ally and friend of the reincorporation process of the signatories settled in the AETCR of Pondores (Territorial Spaces for Training and Reincorporation of former FARC guerrilla fighters). Unfortunately, Javier was assassinated on December 13th, 2022, at the door of his house at around 11:30 p.m. According to witnesses, an armed man in a white van was the one who murdered him, however, there is no certainty as to who might have been behind the murder.  

Gámez became the 186th victim among the social and community leaders who lost their lives in Colombia in 2022 as reported by Indepaz, the same organization that warned about the presence of the ELN (a left-wing guerrilla organization) and the Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia (an illegal armed force which grew out of the demobilization of the right-wing AUC paramilitaries) in the department of La Guajira. After his death, the local and departmental government offered 20 million pesos for information about those responsible for Javier’s death. However, there has been no progress in the investigation and there has been little major media coverage of what has happened following this proposal by the local authorities. The current government has proposed, via the National Development Plan (PND), to strengthen the investigation unit in the Attorney General of the Nation and to comply with the security guarantees contemplated in the Final Agreement with the FARC. The aim is to have reduced the number of murders of social leaders by 66% by 2026. (Marín, 2023). Although we are still waiting to gauge the effectiveness of this proposal since murders have not ceased occurring in La Guajira and across the country, the lives of many of these leaders are in danger and have been for many years and the outlook for these people has not improved.  

The cases of murdered social leaders in La Guajira are an expression of the structural violence that affects the country. This has been aggravated by the internal armed conflict that has lasted for more than five decades. Despite the Peace Agreement signed in 2016 between the Colombian government and the FARC, the country continues to be one of the most dangerous to exercise the work of social leadership. As in the case of Javier Gamez, there are many cases involving social leaders who, for raising their voices or collaborating in different ways in their community or territory, are killed or threatened by different groups. Armed groups for whom it is not convenient or that it is simply bothersome that social leaders carry out such work. The situation of social leaders in La Guajira is worrisome due to the cases of violence and death that have occurred in recent years. According to INDEPAZ, from 2016 to 2020, there were 24 cases of homicides of social leaders in this department alone. An example of this is the case of the murder of the Wayuu leader Aura Esther García Peñalver, in 2022. According to the newspaper EL TIEMPO (2022):  

The social leader had been receiving threats since March 15 of last year, “through phone calls and text messages, which led her to denounce and request protection measures to protect her safety and that of the Wayuu women of her community, however, this request was not met.”  

Elsewhere, there is the case of Nicodemus Luna Mosquera, a union and social leader. According to the TeleSUR news agency, the crime against the leader was related to a piece of land that he had acquired in the area, in order to dedicate himself to agriculture. Luna Mosquera was a pensioner of the Ecopetrol company, where he had worked as a union leader, leading him to be one of the members of the Unión Sindical Obrera, USO. The social leader was one of the most persecuted leaders of the USO, for his work and struggle in defense of the workers and their rights. This situation is not unique to La Guajira and indeed extends to other regions of Colombia. Just like in La Guajira, in different regions of Colombia there are also many cases of violence suffered by social leaders.  

The case of Javier and similar cases that have occurred in La Guajira involving social leaders are only a part of the large number of murders of leaders that occur with great frequency throughout the Caribbean region and the rest of the country. Although the Caribbean is not the most affected region in terms of murders of social leaders in the country, it is still seriously affected by this situation. According to Indepaz between 2019 and 2023 (as of April 2023) there have been 968 homicides of social leaders registered in Colombia, of which 133 correspond to the Caribbean Region (13,73% of social leaders assassinated nationwide). Córdoba is the department that has registered most cases in the region in these years, with a total of 38 murders of social leaders in that period (in 2020, it was the fifth department in the country with the most murdered leaders). On the other hand, La Guajira has registered a total of 12 murders from 2019 to the present, with 2019 being the year with the most cases in the department as reported by Indepaz. Historically, homicidal violence against social leaders has been due to armed competition for the control of territories, however, in more current cases of the region, this violence has been directed against leaders who alter or threaten to alter the social order imposed by the armed actors (Trejos, 2020). The statistics show a pattern that does not seem to be improving, and in recent years there has been little progress in terms of managing the situation of social leaders in the region. There are many people who are exposed or at risk of being killed in the Caribbean and in other regions that are marginalized in Colombia. While it is expected that the current government will propose policies that are effective and help reduce the numerous murders of these leaders, there have yet to be clear signs of progress. Even so, in the last three governments, including the government of current President Gustavo Petro, the deaths of social leaders have not decreased but rather increased, and 2022 was a record-breaking year in terms of murders of leaders, according to a report by Indepaz.  

Many social leaders have died in Colombia for raising their voices in the face of the inequalities and injustices that their communities are experiencing. These denouncements made by the leaders occur in the communities most impacted by marginalization and violence. It is because of these denouncements and such activism that many leaders have died in Colombia; unwanted deaths caused by armed groups or actors from the private and political sphere. In Colombia, the abandonment of the State in the most vulnerable and marginalized areas of the country is very evident: “The absence of state institutions or their fragile presence in areas of the territory generates empty spaces of authority and rule of law, giving rise to social, political and economic marginalization, which criminal groups take advantage of” (Hurtado, M, 2019). The realities of these territories generate suffering on the part of the community not only economically but also socially. They suffer from the lack of public institutions that have the oversight of the State, to guarantee not only the legitimacy of the state but also state stability. The abandonment and absence of the State has been a catalyst for people for many years to live in deplorable situations due to the lack of resources that meet basic needs.  

These communities, especially in long marginalized departments such as La Guajira, not only suffer from hunger and poverty but also from diseases due to the contamination of the water they consume, which causes the most vulnerable people in La Guajira to experience a humanitarian crisis and deaths caused by malnutrition. In addition, La Guajira has a very important geopolitical location, which has aggravated the situation not only because of the deplorable conditions in which they live but also because of the threats and deaths they face from the armed groups that govern the territory. Like Javier, many other social leaders have been assassinated not only in the territory of La Guajira but also in Colombia, in many of the marginalized areas that Colombia has. The causes of the homicides of social leaders in La Guajira and Colombia may be related to the dispute over land and natural resources, the presence of illegal armed groups, the lack of effective protection measures by the State, and impunity in cases of violence. Furthermore, the stigmatization and criminalization of social leaders by political and economic sectors interested in the exploitation of natural resources and the marginalization of the most vulnerable communities also contribute to the violence against these leaders.  

To conclude, the neglect of the Colombian State towards social leaders is a serious problem that has led to the murders of far too many social leaders in the country. This article focused on the story of Javier Gamez, a social leader from La Guajira who was assassinated in December 2022. The article also highlights the situation of social leaders in La Guajira and throughout Colombia, the risks they face and the varied reasons for the murders of social leaders. We have also explored the impact of the State’s neglect on the communities they represent. It is important that measures be taken to guarantee the safety and protection of social leaders in Colombia, especially in long marginalized regions like La Guajira, and that those responsible for these acts of violence be investigated and punished. In addition, the protection and prevention measures that have been implemented by the State and social and human rights organizations must be strengthened. It is necessary to make progress in the implementation of the Peace Agreement, which includes measures to protect social leaders and that resources be allocated, as well as effective policies being implemented to eradicate violence and to promote social justice in the country.  

References:  

Hurtado, M. (2019). Ausencia de Estado. https://www.elcolombiano.com/opinion/columnistas/ausencia-de-estado-GO10691052  

Unidad Investigativa Indepaz (2020) https://www.indepaz.org.co/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/Informe-Especial-Asesinato-lideres-sociales-Nov2016-Jul2020-Indepaz.pdf  

Informe TeleSur (2022) https://www.telesurtv.net/news/colombia-asesinan-lider-sindical-social-la-guajira-20221127-0028.html  

Newspaper EL TIEMPO (2022) https://www.eltiempo.com/justicia/paz-y-derechos-humanos/muere-nicodemus-luna-13-lideres-sociales-asesinados-en-la-guajira-721265  

https://www.elespectador.com/colombia-20/analistas/cual-es-el-plan-del-gobierno-petro-para-proteger-a-los-lideres-sociales-cesed-universidad-de-los-andes/
En el 2019 fueron asesinados 15 líderes sociales del Caribe
https://www.eluniversal.com.co/regional/el-rastro-de-los-asesinatos-de-lideres-sociales-en-el-caribe-IH3999183
https://www.elespectador.com/colombia-20/analistas/cual-es-el-plan-del-gobierno-petro-para-proteger-a-los-lideres-sociales-cesed-universidad-de-los-andes/