Natanael Díaz spoke out over the presence of illegal groups and acts of corruption in the south of Bolívar before he was shot dead in October 2022.
Originally published on May 30th, 2023
Article written by Catalina Barraza, Angie Galofre & Sara Garcia
The growing number of cases of deaths of social leaders in Colombia represents one of the greatest concerns for the country. According to Santacruz (2020), social leaders are characterized by their defense and promotion of human rights and have in recent years been subjected to countless acts of barbarism by the different armed actors of the internal conflict in Colombia. The UN Human Rights Office defines a social leader as “a person who acts on behalf of a human right (or rights) of an individual or a group and that every social leader is a human right defender”. The Ombudsman’s Office in Colombia registered the deaths of 216 social leaders in 2022 alone. Among the places affected by this problematic situation is the Caribbean region. This is an area which comprises seven departments: Atlántico, Bolívar, Magdalena, La Guajira, Cesar, Córdoba and Sucre and the San Andrés and Providencia archipelago. While the Caribbean region may be less affected by this worrying dynamic than other regions such as the south-west of Colombia, the statistics remain hugely alarming; there have been 27 social leaders murdered in the Caribbean region between August 2022 and April 2023 (Indepaz). Undoubtedly, the department of Bolivar is one of the most eye-catching places for the development of illegal activities given its strategic position that allows armed groups to smuggle contraband, extract minerals and cultivate coca crops. This complex situation in Bolivar means it is a potentially dangerous area for those who represent and defend the interests of communities. One such leader is Natanael Diaz Iriarte. Natanael was described as a well-known social leader in the department who had fought for the correct use of resources in Bolivar. He was a candidate for the Council of Mangangué and a participant in the communal action board in Tacasaluma. In addition, he was the 1361st social leader killed since The Final Agreement and the 132nd in 2022 (Indepaz, 2022). In this article, we will be discussing the details of the murder of Natanael Díaz Iriarte, the armed groups allegedly involved, the broad situation in Bolivar and how the communities there deal with the violence, and finally, the perspective of international organizations, before presenting some final considerations.
The story of Natanael’s murder is not very well detailed by the media or the authorities. What is known is that he was allegedly murdered by paramilitaries on October 1st, 2022, while he was going from Magangué to Tacasaluma, Bolivar. His death was immediate after he was shot six times by armed men who intercepted him. His body was found on the road to Barranco de Yuca. As a social and political leader, Natanael was running for the local council of Magangué for the ADA political party and led different communal actions in Tacasaluma. He had alerted the control entities about the theft and waste of resources assigned by the national government for works in the municipality. He had also addressed the presence of various armed groups in the small rural communities of Magangué and in the south of Bolivar. As stated by Indepaz (2022), institutions such as the Ombudsman’s office had addressed that the presence of armed groups such as ELN (left-wing guerrillas), Frente 37 (dissidents of the FARC guerrilla organization) and the AGC (also known as the Clan del Golfo; neo-paramilitaries now considered as the largest illegal group in Colombia), which according to the International Committee of the Red Cross, are the armed wing of a non-state party to a non-international armed conflict. These groups in the territory had led to an alarming increase of murders, tortures, displacements, and many other violations of human rights. Due to this, the citizens, and especially the members of the JAC (community action boards) have been highly affected and indeed have suffered from violent situations in the territory. As stated by the journalistic portal Rutas del conflicto, the communities affected by the conflict in the south of Bolivar and other departments have resisted through community organization, demanding compliance with the Final Agreement (the 2016 peace agreement signed by the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas) and their constitutional rights. Despite this, the struggles and resistance of the communities and their social leaders have been overshadowed by consistent stigmatization, as they are constantly accused of being accomplices of the armed groups. However, the leaders emphasize that their ideals and motivations go against the violence and violations that these groups have exercised against the communities, a situation that has not been adequately addressed either by the state or the armed groups. Thanks to a strong sense of commitment and these strong ideals, many social leaders keep on addressing their community’s situation and continue to stick up for their rights. Unfortunately, as occurred with Natanael, many of them end up as victims of murders and threats. In order to demonstrate the scale of the problem, in the next paragraph we will be focusing on some other cases that bear similarities with that of Natanael.
In addition to Natanael’s murder, the number of social and political leaders murdered keeps growing at an alarming rate. Some of these are even so close in terms of time and location that entities and the community should be even more concerned. Two of these are the cases of Luis Peña and Juan Navarro, who were both political leaders of the Pacto Histórico political coalition. Luis Peña Salcedo was murdered on December 7, 2022; he had been running for the local council of Magangué, Bolivar. Three days later, on December 10, 2022, Juan Bautista Navarro, a lawyer and associate of Luis Peña, and also the husband of Partido Verde and Pacto Histórico leader Yaneidis Toscano, was shot dead by two men riding on a motorcycle on a street in the Montecarlos neighborhood of Magangué. It appears that these men had been denouncing acts of corruption in the area and therefore found themselves in a vulnerable situation, similar to what Natanael’s situation was like. These cases indicate the increasing threat to social leaders in Bolivar, but the trend is a nationwide issue. According to the Ombudsman’s Office, 199 murders of social leaders were reported from January to November 30 of 2022, which is “the highest figure” since 2016, when this state institution began keeping records: exceeding both 2021 with 145 cases and 2020 with 182. Experts state that the restrictions on movement caused by the Covid-19 pandemic allowed illegal groups to strengthen their control over areas such as the south of Bolivar, where the presence of the state in terms of institutions and opportunities has historically been weak. As Ramón Abril from the Corporación Regional para la Defensa de Derechos Humanos for the Portal Rutas del Conflicto said, the clashes for control between illegal groups increased and this struggle for domination increases the dangers for the local communities. The humanitarian crisis increased way faster than expected and got to such an extent that it was almost impossible for organizations (governmental and non-governmental) to enter these communities’ territories, especially villages with difficult road access and far from municipal capitals. Hence, some of the challenges faced by the territories affected by the conflict, specifically the area of southern Bolivar, will be discussed below.
Bolivar, and particularly the south of the department, faces many challenges which contribute to the marginalization of its communities and inhabitants. Colombia has one of the largest numbers of coca crops in the world and resource theft. Throughout its history, the Colombian government has attempted to eradicate the proliferation of crops. The Final Agreement is an example of the government’s efforts, but it seems to have remained on paper alone. The power vacuum in departments such as Bolívar has contributed to the proliferation of illegal groups and illegal acts which has increased poverty, marginalization and the systematic death of social leaders. As Flórez (2018) said, in this sub-region of the Medio-Magdalena, communities are still waiting for the implementation of the agreement signed with the former FARC guerrillas. Furthermore, Trejos (2019) stated that “the south of Bolivar is one of the most inaccessible territories of the Caribbean, and it does not even have adequate access roads from the north of the region” which evidences the theft of resources, whereby resources allocated for infrastructure development and other needs of region are not used as they should (cited in La Libertad Sublime, 2020). Natanael had been asking questions regarding those stolen resources in the area. For context, from the national government, the department of Bolivar receives money for public works and to supply the needs of the territory, but said money was not being invested. Natanael had shown his concern due to the fact the community needed the money to repair roads. Defending rights costs the lives of social leaders such as Natanael, who was silenced by the shadowy forces which exercise control in territories such as these. In a broader view, in recent reports given by the UN in 2022, even though the Office of the Attorney General and the Ministry of Defense have improved in terms of tackling criminal organizations, The National Comprehensive Program for the Substitution of Illicit Crops is not complete. The UN has recommended the protection of civilians and social leaders in vulnerable areas such as Bolívar. As well as the correct investigation of cases of social leader killed by illegal groups. In addition, Human Rights Watch (2023) has suggested the creation of an “anti-violence policy,” re-starting peace negotiations with the ELN, and reforming security and drug policies. Regarding the peace process with the ELN, it has been characterized by failed processes and governments that have tried to negotiate, unsuccessfully, throughout the country’s recent history. (CNN, 2023). They also pointed out that the “government often lacks sufficient funding to assist displaced people, and national government assistance has often been slow and insufficient” (Hassan, 2023). Clearly, it is an alarming situation that needs to be addressed. That’s why in the next paragraph we will be focusing on how the entities in Bolivar have managed the situation and the measures taken.
Various entities have commented on this worrying situation. State institutions such as the Ombudsman’s Office have addressed the murder of Natanael Díaz, expressing their solidarity with the family of the victim. This institution has also asked the authorities to clarify the crime and has called on the illegal groups to respect the life of social leaders. According to the reports of this institution, some of the observations made by the Ombudsman’s Office regarding the presence of armed groups in Bolivar that Nathanael had previously addressed were for example, that in some areas of the department of Bolivar there would be an openly supported candidacy for the Special Transitional Peace Districts (CTEP/CITREP for their initials in Spanish). This led to the actions and position in front of the electoral contest for each of the illegal armed groups to establish situations of risk which affected the electoral elections that took place between March and June 2022. In addition to the vast evidence of the presence of armed groups in electoral spaces in Bolívar, these groups have been identified as being involved in the forced recruitment of minors (mainly from indigenous populations), the installation of landmines, murders of social leaders and human rights defenders (Indepaz, 2022). Another institution that has denounced the critical situation in Bolívar has been the Truth Commission, which was established following the 2016 peace agreement in order to clarify and document the causes and impact of the armed conflict. According to this entity, in the context of deep social contradictions and state repression, the different actors of the war appeared and developed. After the peace of the nineties, the FARC-EP and the ELN took possession of strategic territories in the Caribbean such as the Montes de María, located in Bolivar. There, drug trafficking organizations, public forces, landowners and politicians converged in the paramilitary network, raising the old system of private security groups to its maximum lethality. The result was a war where the great loser was the rural population. Bolivar has always been agitated by violence, which is why the Commission insists on “Strengthening territorial processes of dialogue and peacebuilding in the territory to promote a model of territorial management that recognizes the great inequalities that have historically characterized the territorial configuration of the Caribbean and its relationship with the persistence of armed conflict”. This is just a brief reflection of how the department of Bolivar has suffered from a huge wave of violence throughout the years of conflict, and this is due to its strategic location, which is used for illegal drug crops and smuggling routes. Sadly, despite the 2016 peace agreement signed with the FARC, the situation has stayed the same if not deteriorated. Leaders such as Natanael and vulnerable communities in the region are left to pay the price.
By way of conclusion, violence remains ever present in the most remote corners of our country. This has wrought intergenerational havoc that in addition to causing insecurity in the population, displacement of communities, and the theft of needed resources, also threatens the welfare of those social leaders who from their territories advocate for the rights of their communities, or as in the case of Natanael, denounced the presence of armed groups and corruption as an informal institution of the state. Cases such as those of Natanael, Luis Peña or Juan Navarro; social leaders who were characterized by the defense and promotion of human rights and who were brutally murdered, will sadly not stop. The innocent victims of the conflict have no guarantees to exercise their rights and only through the reports of organizations such as the UN, Indepaz and the Ombudsman’s Office are we able to measure the vulnerability of these territories, in our specific case Bolivar and its respective leaders. It is of course pertinent to state that like the south of Bolivar, various regions which have traditionally been most afflicted by the effects of the armed conflict continue to suffer disproportionately. For this reason and considering what has been stated by the Truth Commission, we propose a series of routes to be followed for the armed conflict to stop in the south of Bolivar. First, it is essential that there be a true connection between the state and the territories. In this regard, the territorial office of the Victims Unit believes that there is a need for greater social investment, mining regulation and legalization of properties for the inhabitants in the region. As we know, the ELN has a significant presence in Bolivar, so we present a series of recommendations of the Truth Commission on how to proceed in the peace process; The National Government should recognize the «Protocol established in the event of a breakdown in the negotiation of peace talks Colombian Government-ELN» presented by the Commission and promote regional initiatives and spaces for dialogues focused on mitigating the humanitarian impacts of confrontation and addressing the structural factors that persist in the armed conflict. To the ELN, to respect and guarantee the work of humanitarian agencies in the territories in which they are present and to take unilateral measures and gestures that contribute to the guarantee of the rights of the civilian population and communities and to the creation of conditions conducive to dialogue. The importance of compliance with the Agreement and guarantees of a lasting peace that includes negotiation with other insurgent groups such as the ELN should be paramount. These recommendations must be followed and be implemented in the context of Bolivar, which unfortunately has had the presence of armed groups for many years that have put at risk the lives of thousands of inhabitants and social leaders such as Natanael Diaz.
Natanael era un reconocido líder social y político, fue aspirante al Concejo de Magangué por el Partido ADA en las pasadas elecciones locales. Además, lideraba distintas acciones comunales en el corregimiento de Tacasaluma pic.twitter.com/evN66dgq6t
Pacto Historico members Juan Bautista and Luis Peña were both murdered within days of one another in Bolívar
Originally published on September 26th, 2023
Updated: September 27th, 2023
Article written by Tatiana Montes, Lina Perez & Laura Rada
Despite the change of government to a left-wing party (the Pacto Historico coalition led by current Colombian president Gustavo Petro), which promoted social justice in its campaign, the panorama for social leaders in Colombia does not seem to be changing. According to Indepaz, across 2022 and as of May 2023, 237 social leaders had been murdered, 116 of them during the current administration. Alarming rates in approximately 7 months. However, they are much more than just numbers. Thus, within this shocking list of 237 leaders, families and shattered hopes, we find the stories of Luis Peña and Juan Bautista Navarro, both shot dead in December 2022. They were civic leaders who had denounced corruption and promoted change, and both were also members of the Pacto Historico party in the municipality of Magangué, in the south of Bolívar. All this in a local context of a strong presence of guerrilla groups and narco-paramilitary groups in this department, in accordance with the Indepaz report on the presence of armed groups in Colombia (2022). This article will address the particularities and similarities of these cases with others in the department. Likewise, it will include an analysis of the responses of the media and government institutions.
It must be stated clearly that these crimes are not isolated events. Luis Peña was the president of the Community Action Board (JAC) of the ‘Dos de Noviembre’ neighborhood, and Juan Bautista Navarro was a lawyer with more than 30 years of experience. Navarro was Peña’s legal representative to claim, through administrative and judicial channels, to the municipal mayor’s office of Magangué regarding some labor related issues (Torres, 2022). In fact, Peña worked in the mayor’s office during the term of former mayor Pedro Alí. Additionally, the crimes had the same modus operandi: armed men on motorbikes shot them to death at the doors of their respective houses. Also, the events occurred within 72 hours of one another, on December 8th in the case of Peña and December 10th in the case of Navarro. Moreover, Bautista was the husband of a former council candidate for El Partido Verde (the Green Party), which is also a member of the Pacto Histórico. According to the early warning AT 004/2022 emitted by the Ombudsman’s Office, community leaderships represent one of the sectors most affected by violence, especially in territories with the presence of illegal armed groups. Likewise, this document established that some of these affectations are threats, homicides, intimidation, persecution, gender-based violence, forced displacement, and pressures under coercion and stigmatization, among others. Unfortunately, all of the above can be seen in the context of Bolivar.
The department of Bolivar, and particularly the south of the department, has been historically marginalized and impacted by the armed conflict. The humanitarian crisis in the south of Bolivar has intensified since 2019, as illegal groups in addition to actors from the private sectors are competing to establish control over lucrative resources, with the former being involved in activities such as illegal mining, drug trafficking, illicit crops and other legal and illegal economic activities, but also due to a military-focused state presence (Rutas del Conflicto). Some of the illegal groups in the region are left-wing guerrilla organizations like the ELN and FARC dissidences (Frente 37), paramilitary groups like AGC (an illegal armed group formed from the extinct AUC paramilitaries), and organized crime groups, according to information from the Ombudsman’s Office. In addition to these illicit business interests, these groups have also been using violence against community leaders, as a way to assert control and intimidate communities. Moreover, another cause of the armed conflict in the south of Bolívar is the role of Colombian state. According to Rutas del Conflicto, many leaders had expressed that in terms of recognizing rights and promoting a dignified life for the communities, there is no real and effective state presence. They also mention Águeda Plata (territorial coordinator of the Truth Commission in Magdalena Medio), who established that the state is present in the region with a high presence of the security forces (military), but that the problem is that this presence of military forces has not been able to protect the lives and property of the inhabitants. Social leaders have been notable victims of this scenario.
Additionally, the deaths of social leaders have been characterized by the lack of information shared by the local and national media. This means that the information on the murders of Peña and Bautista is limited with different media sources simply regurgitating the same information, without a thorough analysis of the regional context or the type of work the leaders had been involved in. Generally, the media only share the name of the murdered social leader, the way he or she was killed, and the city or municipality where they worked. Nevertheless, in addition to the failure to properly explore the context around the murders, the media do not communicate the impact of the death on their relatives. Experts affirm that this problem “has been made invisible by the country’s major media, which do not provide sufficient coverage of this type of events” (Cárdenas, 2022), which causes the stories of the men and women murdered to be forgotten or reduced to simple numbers on a board. At the same time, the lack of information generates that Colombians do not dimension the size of this problem and forget names like those of Luis Peña and Juan Bautista. It is important to highlight that this has not been the case with different international institutions and organizations, such as Human Right Watch, or national NGOs such as INDEPAZ, who have taken the lead in the spreading of information about this phenomenon that affects thousands of families, communities, and indeed the whole country.
Subsequently local and national institutions have generally lacked the will or resources to protect social leaders or to fully investigate their murders. As mentioned previously, Colombia elected its first left-leaning government, led by President Gustavo Petro, in 2022. One of the great hopes for this government was that much more attention and resources would be focused on the long marginalized and forgotten parts of the country. Indeed, vice-president Francia Marquez was a social leader herself and was pivotal in ensuring many from previously war-torn regions voted in the hope of seeing real change. While Marquez has spent much of her time thus far in visiting many of these areas and communities, the Petro government has ran into difficulties in terms of implementing reforms, and little progress has been made in terms of resolving the structural issues which allow these crimes to occur. In fact, the deaths of social leaders have not stopped despite the change of government. As Millán (2023) puts it, “for those who were once the opposition and are now the government, the massacres and murders of social leaders have ceased to exist, since recognizing the continued existence of this reality would reveal Petro’s lack of execution”. In this sense, despite the current government repeating the discourse of “total peace”, a law proposed by Gustavo Petro that seeks to generate dialogue with guerrillas, drug traffickers and paramilitary groups to deactivate the conflict, there has been no real progress in terms of investigating the deaths of leaders such as Luis Peña and Juan Bautista. Among the deficiencies presented by the institutions in relation to the murders of social leaders, we find a lack of budget to implement policies, a lack of efforts to prosecute those both ordering and carrying out murders, and a delay in response to requests for help from different social leaders, among others. In the words of Human Right Watch (2021), “Colombia has many policies, mechanisms, and laws to prevent abuses against human rights defenders, however, their implementation has often been poor. Based on this, the reality is a far cry from the appearances presented by successive governments.
In summary, the deaths of social leaders in Magangué, in the department of Bolivar, and indeed throughout Colombia is a hugely serious issue that urgently and effectively needs to be addressed. The change of government in Colombia to a leftist party that promoted social justice and total peace has yet to change the outlook for social leaders in the country. In fact, community leaders are one of the sectors most affected by violence in Colombia, especially in territories with the presence of illegal armed groups. The cases of Luis Peña and Juan Bautista Navarro are examples of the multiple stories of devastated families and shattered hopes. Specifically, the lack of a security policy has contributed to an increase in violence against the civilian population in Colombia. Likewise, the lack of information shared by the local and national media about social leaders is alarming, since this makes it difficult to identify patterns and develop effective strategies to address violence in the country. For that reason, the Colombian government must take measures to protect and guarantee the safety of social leaders by strengthening protection systems for them and their communities, and by investigating and prosecuting those responsible for the attacks. Ensuring respect for human rights and the rule of law throughout the country is critical to building a more just and peaceful society for all.
Rural leaders Teofilo Acuña & Jorge Tafur worked to stop the development of private initiatives such as mining on public lands in Cesar until they were silenced by bullets.
Originally published on April 28th, 2023.
Article written by Ada Hernandez, Valeria Rincon & Alejandra Niebles
Colombia has been recognized, unfortunately, for suffering almost seventy years of internal conflict. The same conflict that has affected much of the population and, particularly, has affected those commonly called social leaders. Social leaders are people who stick up against the human rights infractions in the country and represent the interests and needs of their community according to the Humanitarian Leadership Academy, and it is a form of authority earned within the different communities and founded upon personal reputation. In 2016, the Colombian government and the FARC guerrilla group signed a historic Peace Agreement, product of several years of negotiations in Havana, Cuba; nevertheless, this agreement has not guaranteed the end of conflict as many people think. The FARC guerrillas may have laid down their weapons and vacated territories they once controlled, but other illegal organizations have stepped in to replace them. Violence continues to be used as a way to control the population in long marginalized rural communities and those who represent the interests of such communities, principally social leaders, are being murdered with a worrying frequency. This text wants to explore this situation by looking at certain cases of violence against social leaders in the department of Cesar in order to analyze the dynamics present in that region and better understand this current wave of violence in Colombia.
Cesar is one of thirty-two departments that make up Colombia. It is situated in the northeast of the country, and it is a department where cattle farming and coal mining are central to the economy. In Cesar, two men were shot in cold blood at the same place and hour. Two families got destroyed and two women became widows. Teófilo Acuña and Jorge Tafur were murdered on the evening of 22nd February 2022 in San Martín, Cesar. They were social leaders, who wanted to resolve land disputes in the region because, even with the signing of the Peace Agreement, the issue of land ownership and access to land remains unresolved, and threats and infractions against activists and human rights defenders still occur. And this is not an isolated episode; in Colombia people like Jorge and Teófilo receive warnings and threats because of their activism and community work. Most leaders keep fighting and, unfortunately as in this case, are killed because of the work they do and the interests their work complicates. Jorge and Teófilo were working on behalf of communities to have access to playones comunales. These are vacant territories that are periodically flooded by the water of the swamps or rivers, and these have been historically accessed and inhabited by peasant communities in this territory. These playones located in Cesar and Magdalena Medio were the main struggle of both Jorge Tafur and Teofilo Acuña. This struggle led them to disputes with different landowners and private interests in these areas. In particular, the leaders were opposed to the commercial mining interests that were planned on some of these playones. Both leaders had received threats for the actions they were taking; Teófilo Acuña had brought legal action against the state for the granting of mining titles in these supposedly protected public lands. According to a report in El Espectador, this legal action resulted in a decision in favor of Acuña. Unfortunately, this decision came seven months after Acuña and Tafur were brutally murdered. As was already mentioned, Colombia is a country marked by violence, and this violence is almost integrated into its culture. Therefore, unfortunately, these men were identified as being an obstacle for the interests of some and these men were killed, like many other social leaders in Colombia. One can also observe certain irregularities in relation to the investigation of this crime, such as the fact that the police reportedly never arrived at the scene of the crime (Verdad Abierta,2022). Such a situation provides an indication of how affected certain state institutions must be by the corruption of the country and how these institutions allow, in one way or another, the impunity which reigns in relation to cases like this. This information also indicates why so many other cases have happened in the department of Cesar.
As well as the case of Jorge Tafur and Teófilo Acuña, many other leaders have been murdered in the department of Cesar such as Alexander Escobar Molina, Albert Mejia Portillo, and Uladiemiro Vega Garcia. Alexander Enrique Escobar Molina was the president of the JAC (Community Action Board) of the Nuevo Amanecer neighborhood, in the municipality of Aguachica in the south of the department of César. However, he was shot dead outside the house where he was living in Sabanalarga, Atlantico, on July 13th, 2021. While there have been arrests for the murder, no motive has been clearly established. Albert Mejia Portillo was a recognized social and peasant leader, who was part of land reclamation processes in the region, and was from El Silencio, in rural Tamalameque. Albert was shot dead on November 25th, 2021, as he made his way to a meeting about land restitution. Finally, Uladiemiro Vega Garcia, president of the Community Action Board of the Cimarrón corregimiento, in the Río de Oro municipality, Cesar, was murdered on February 10th, 2022, at the hands of armed men. Uladiemiro had been known as a dedicated social activist in the area who had defended the rights of workers. Furthermore, there was the murder of rural leader Jose Luis Quiñones, who like Teofilo Acuña and Jorge Tafur, had been involved in efforts to stop the development of private interests on the playones of his region. Like Teofilo and Jorge, Jose Luis Quiñones was also silenced by gunmen, in August 2022. Unfortunately, these cases are indicative of the threats and violence faced, not only by leaders in Cesar, but also by leaders throughout Colombia. And despite all this, we are yet to see definitive action from the government in order to resolve this situation. This is a situation which is repeated in departments throughout the country. According to INDEPAZ, over 1,400 social leaders, like the cases outlined above, have been murdered in Colombia since the signing of the peace agreement with the FARC in 2016. Such stark numbers make it imperative to explore the root causes behind this situation, which in many instances means looking at inequality and land access.
It is important to mention that among the main problems that can be found in the department of Cesar, and indeed throughout Colombia, are related to conflict over land. For this reason, many causes and consequences of this conflict are related to the productive models of the region such as extensive cattle ranching, monocultures, and agroindustry. In other words, economic activities demand enormous extensions of land. Consequently, this productive model has generated a process of concentration of properties, land, and water little by little. The main characteristic of the territory of Cesar is that most of its municipalities are rural; this factor plays a fundamental role in the analysis of the area concerning issues such as violence and poverty. According to the National Administrative Statistic Department (DANE), in Cesar, the monetary poverty index is 56.0% and the multidimensional poverty index is 25.3%; the unsatisfied basic needs index is 22.8%; All of which evidences the high vulnerability of the population, mainly in the case of the dispersed rural population, where misery affects 14% of the population. The demand for land for private enterprises, micro and macro, legal and illicit, turns this situation into a perilous one. So, what can and should be done to improve things?
For these reasons, we want to suggest some strategies to promote peace in Cesar’s society. These recommendations are based primarily on the studies of Unimilitar researchers. Now, considering what these researchers have said, we would like to see a search for respect for communities and social leaders in a practical and forceful way. From education to then having an increasingly wise and prudent course of actions, they state that the best way to prevent the spread of hateful policies and disrespect for history, communities and social leaders by certain segments of civil society is to know and understand history from the most primary sphere of education. This is because those children who grow up educated in history and with respect for it, tend to have a particular conception about the way they need to behave, promoting civic participation and a sense of belonging. This way, we can identify what is happening in the education system and, by knowing what the problem is, keep working in order to find a solution. Other relevant suggestions to implement and try to mitigate the violence in the department of Cesar include the UN recommendations. According to the United Nations, many of these cases of violence and territorial conflicts have been increasing due to non-state armed groups, and for this reason it recommends concerted and decisive action by the State in the following areas. The institution says that the State should significantly reduce and eventually eliminate the presence of non-state armed groups in the territories affected by the conflict, through the adoption and adequate implementation of an effective public policy for the dismantling of armed groups, as well as the development of a legal framework and an optimal strategy for the collective subjugation of the groups as foreseen in the Peace Agreement. On the other hand, the UN proposes that Colombia develop and implement a state strategy for the protection of civilians and suggests that there be a call from the populations affected by the violence and the internal conflict for the implementation of humanitarian or peace agreements with non-state armed groups. One of the most important recommendations that the United Nations give for cases, such as Cesar, is the prioritization of the correct implementation of the Peace Agreement, particularly the project of Rural Integral Reform, focused on the Development with a Territorial Approach (PDET for its initials in Spanish), and last but not least, this institution recommends the strengthening of local governments throughout the territory and in the areas most affected by violence and the internal armed conflict, through reinforcing the presence and capacity of the institutions of the justice system and control agencies in the territories.
Finally, about the current situation in the country, the situation is becoming more and more relevant in the international sphere but also in the local community because each time there are more people raising their voices for human rights. However, as seen in this text, there are people silencing them in the most extreme way. Cases like these are concerning because of the increasing impunity one can identify regarding the more than 1,400 social leaders murdered since the peace agreement in 2016. Also, one cannot ignore the absence of the State in the department of Cesar and the weakness of many of its institutions exploring the root causes behind this situation. In addition, the threats and murders of social leaders are increasing not just in Cesar, but in the entire country. For this reason, civil society, local groups and international institutions have initiated a monitoring of the peace agreement. Likewise, these types of cases have acquired greater visibility in the press and have awakened a national interest in finding a solution to this problem. Such a solution is absolutely essential for the future of the country as when leaders like Jorge Tafur and Teofilo Acuña are murdered, families are torn apart, communities lose valuable voices and struggles for greater equality and social development are stalled. We hope that this text will help you to understand the situation a little more and to invite you to support communities affected by violence.
Social leader Neiver Pertuz defended the rights of his community in Remolino (Magdalena) until his murder in August 2022.
Originally published on August 17th, 2023
Article written by Andrea Alvarado, Sebastian Cera & Laura Utria.
Colombia has been struggling with state abandonment for decades, particularly in its rural areas, where armed conflict, drug trafficking, and political violence have disrupted the social fabric and undermined the government’s legitimacy and authority. The roots of state abandonment in Colombia can be traced back to the country’s colonial history, where unequal land distribution, exclusionary politics, and racial discrimination created a legacy of social inequality and political marginalization. Despite efforts to address these issues, Colombia remains one of the most unequal countries in the world, with significant disparities in income, education, and health outcomes. Many parts of the country continue to face significant challenges in terms of security, access to basic services, and human rights protection. That’s why the figure of social leaders plays such a crucial role. They don’t have too much in common, their life contexts are different and their fights too. The similarities between them are primarily, they are people who are working for the welfare and rights of their communities. One thing that they certainly have in common is the dangers they face because of the valuable work they do. They have been, and continue to be, the targets of those looking to pursue profit at any cost, meaning not a week goes by without the murder of a social leader. In particular, the ongoing violence against social leaders, human rights defenders, and ethnic communities highlights the consequences of state abandonment in Colombia. This text will explore these issues by looking at the murder of one such social leader.
State abandonment in Colombian territory has caused deep consequences in the sphere of social leadership. One of the many consequences has been the murder of social leaders. This represents a critical problem because social leaders play a fundamental role in society as defenders of Human Rights, as well as preserving the welfare of the community. This work is fundamental in remote areas because without the presence of this leadership, some armed groups would have total control of these areas. Neiver Pertuz was one such leader who was murdered in the privacy of his home on August 28th, 2022. Neiver was characterized as a person concerned for the welfare of his community, and he exercised activism in relation to different human rights issues. Neiver had suffered threats from paramilitary groups the day before his murder, reportedly due to his participation in the truth commission. This entity was responsible for clarifying different events and situations that occurred in the context of the armed conflict that Colombia has experienced throughout decades. Neiver did not receive any help from the State to safeguard his life from the threats of these actors who kept their word and took his life. For these groups, Neiver represented a danger in the face of the different statements that could be made in the context of the truth commission. The municipality where Neiver lived has been scourged by armed violence, due to the presence of armed groups who emerged following the demobilization of AUC paramilitary forces. The inhabitants of the municipality of Remolino have said that “they (the neo-paramilitaries) arrive on the sidewalks, recruit, impose a whole show of fear and charge money to maintain a social order”. This sad fact is only one of many examples where the State has not been concerned with safeguarding the rights and lives of social leaders, who, like the communities they represent, have been left behind and abandoned to their own fate.
The department of Magdalena, like many in Colombia, was severely affected by the armed conflict and continues to suffer from a poor state presence. This fact allows illegal actors such as the Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia (AGC) and the Autodefensas Conquistadores de la Sierra Nevada (ACSN) to thrive and establish their own control of legal and illegal processes. Both groups appeared from the demobilization of AUC paramilitaries. Both groups try to control lucrative routes and economies in the department. And both groups are responsible for violence against social leaders in the department. Within the last number of years, the department has seen several social leaders murdered. In 2019, the year began with the murders of Maritza Quiroz and Wilton Orrego and ended with the murder of Nathalia Jimenez alongside her husband Rodrigo Monsalve. In 2020, there were 5 social leaders killed in the department, including that of 70-year-old communal and environmental defender, Alejandro Llinas. There were 5 more leaders killed in 2021, including political activist Francisco Giacometto and trans activist Cristina Cantillo. In addition to the case of Neiver Pertuz, there were two other leaders murdered in Magdalena during 2022. Curiously, all three of these cases occurred within 6 weeks of one another. Land claimant Frai Torres was murdered near Ciénaga on September 21st. Another of the situations where we can evidence the absence of efficient security systems in Magdalena, and again in the municipality of Remolino (like Neiver Pertuz) happened on October 6th, 2022 with the murder of councilman Carlos Julio Silva, a 31 year old man who was on his way to a nearby municipality in his truck when subjects on motorcycles approached him and shot him dead. According to different newscasts and magazines, this was an attack against democracy and the processes that were taking place within the department and the crime was linked to armed groups that exercise control over political decisions through assassinations and threats to the communities. At the time of writing (April 2023), there has thus far been one more leader killed in the department, the case of civic leader Milton Rocha Peña on February 19th. While Magdalena has clearly been deeply affected by this wave of violence against activists, the pattern is seen throughout the country.
Just as in Magdalena, the national situation is extremely worrying. According to INDEPAZ, there were 1,327 cases of murdered social leaders from November 2016 to March 17th 2022, of which 182 were women and where the departments of Cauca, Antioquia and Nariño were the most affected areas of the whole country. In addition, so far in 2023 (as of August 4th), there have been 100 social leaders murdered throughout Colombia, and yet the responses or security measures provided by the government are still not effective in the most remote areas of the country. This represents state power vacuums and the lack of protection for communities and the fulfillment of their fundamental human rights such as life and the right to free expression, since there is no single reason why these leaders are killed; there are cases of environmental leaders, politicians, people who support education or the improvement of people’s quality of life, such as the case of José Taicus Pascal, the first leader murdered in 2023, a 16-year-old youth belonging to the indigenous guard of the Awá people. Another example is Mariela Reyes Montenegro, murdered in Santander de Quilichao on the 2nd of January, who was a leader of the Public Service Workers and Employees Union (SintraEmsdes), where she served as Women’s Secretary on the union’s board. And not to mention others like Cristian Salinas, Alfonso Arteaga, Genivero Méndez, Arley Jaramillo, and many more, each with a different story and journey within the development of their communities. In the face of such violence, it is important to highlight the recommendations of the Truth Commission (established as part of the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas) regarding the agreement on territorial peace that seeks to guarantee conditions of welfare and a dignified life of communities in the territories and build a shared vision of territory and the future in order to overcome the difficulties that have been deepened by the conflict. All of this is a way to improve social security in remote areas, and hopefully a step in the right direction in terms of guaranteeing the safety of social leaders throughout Colombian territory. If they are implemented and adhered to that is.
In conclusion, the Colombian territory is experiencing a grave problem regarding the guarantees of security for social leaders in remote areas. There are many examples of murdered social leaders which have shocked the country. However, many of these deaths occur without generating a sense of anger or outrage from the public. Every crime against a social leader results in a family tragedy and a weakened community. The figures are a shocking indication of the current situation in terms of human rights, and they only reflect the humanitarian crisis in Colombia. It has been difficult to face and overcome situations like these which cost the lives of leaders such as Neiver, and all the others mentioned in this article. However, it is hoped that if the state follows the recommendations of the Truth Commission, the situation can be better managed, and hopefully one day, social leaders and communities will be able to enjoy security and peace in their areas.
Agrarian leader Javier Gamez was murdered in La Guajira in December 2022. Like many murdered social leaders, his killing remains unsolved.
Originally published on September 27th, 2023
Article written by Maria Gil, Gabriela Marchena & Leidys Ospina
The article will illustrate the negligence of the Colombian State in relation to different cases and situations regarding social leaders. Secondly, the article will present the case of Javier Gamez, a social leader who was murdered at the door of his house, and whose killing remains unsolved. Likewise, it will highlight the situation of social leaders around the department of La Guajira and throughout Colombia. It is important to note that the murder of social leaders in Colombia is a serious and worrisome problem, and that all state institutions and actors must work together to put an end to this violence. That is why this article will demonstrate the lack of effective actions that the Colombian State has had on the issue of social leaders. It is also important to talk about the situation of social leaders in Colombia because it is a hugely complex and concerning issue. According to reports from Colombian human rights organizations, social leaders – including human rights defenders, community organizers, Indigenous and Afro-descendant leaders, and environmental activists – face a high risk of violence, intimidation, and persecution. This article will therefore seek to provide insight into this terrible reality by focusing on the story of one such leader from La Guajira.
Javier Gamez was an agrarian leader from La Guajira. He was also a former territorial manager of the Office of the Comptroller General of La Guajira, and legal representative of the Agroim Association (located in the corregimiento La Junta, municipality of San Juan del Cesar, department of La Guajira). He was a fundamental part of this region’s community; his work was mainly focused on the progression and development of the peasants who worked the land and cultivated “fique” (a tough natural fiber made from the leaves of the plant Furcraea andina, similar to hemp). Javier had always been interested in helping his community in different ways, which is why he was also not only the president of Asofique, a project that benefits more than 300 farmers to promote the cultivation of fique in the village of La Junta, but also a defender of the peace agreement, and an ally and friend of the reincorporation process of the signatories settled in the AETCR of Pondores (Territorial Spaces for Training and Reincorporation of former FARC guerrilla fighters). Unfortunately, Javier was assassinated on December 13th, 2022, at the door of his house at around 11:30 p.m. According to witnesses, an armed man in a white van was the one who murdered him, however, there is no certainty as to who might have been behind the murder.
Gámez became the 186th victim among the social and community leaders who lost their lives in Colombia in 2022 as reported by Indepaz, the same organization that warned about the presence of the ELN (a left-wing guerrilla organization) and the Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia (an illegal armed force which grew out of the demobilization of the right-wing AUC paramilitaries) in the department of La Guajira. After his death, the local and departmental government offered 20 million pesos for information about those responsible for Javier’s death. However, there has been no progress in the investigation and there has been little major media coverage of what has happened following this proposal by the local authorities. The current government has proposed, via the National Development Plan (PND), to strengthen the investigation unit in the Attorney General of the Nation and to comply with the security guarantees contemplated in the Final Agreement with the FARC. The aim is to have reduced the number of murders of social leaders by 66% by 2026. (Marín, 2023). Although we are still waiting to gauge the effectiveness of this proposal since murders have not ceased occurring in La Guajira and across the country, the lives of many of these leaders are in danger and have been for many years and the outlook for these people has not improved.
The cases of murdered social leaders in La Guajira are an expression of the structural violence that affects the country. This has been aggravated by the internal armed conflict that has lasted for more than five decades. Despite the Peace Agreement signed in 2016 between the Colombian government and the FARC, the country continues to be one of the most dangerous to exercise the work of social leadership. As in the case of Javier Gamez, there are many cases involving social leaders who, for raising their voices or collaborating in different ways in their community or territory, are killed or threatened by different groups. Armed groups for whom it is not convenient or that it is simply bothersome that social leaders carry out such work. The situation of social leaders in La Guajira is worrisome due to the cases of violence and death that have occurred in recent years. According to INDEPAZ, from 2016 to 2020, there were 24 cases of homicides of social leaders in this department alone. An example of this is the case of the murder of the Wayuu leader Aura Esther García Peñalver, in 2022. According to the newspaper EL TIEMPO (2022):
The social leader had been receiving threats since March 15 of last year, “through phone calls and text messages, which led her to denounce and request protection measures to protect her safety and that of the Wayuu women of her community, however, this request was not met.”
Elsewhere, there is the case of Nicodemus Luna Mosquera, a union and social leader. According to the TeleSUR news agency, the crime against the leader was related to a piece of land that he had acquired in the area, in order to dedicate himself to agriculture. Luna Mosquera was a pensioner of the Ecopetrol company, where he had worked as a union leader, leading him to be one of the members of the Unión Sindical Obrera, USO. The social leader was one of the most persecuted leaders of the USO, for his work and struggle in defense of the workers and their rights. This situation is not unique to La Guajira and indeed extends to other regions of Colombia. Just like in La Guajira, in different regions of Colombia there are also many cases of violence suffered by social leaders.
The case of Javier and similar cases that have occurred in La Guajira involving social leaders are only a part of the large number of murders of leaders that occur with great frequency throughout the Caribbean region and the rest of the country. Although the Caribbean is not the most affected region in terms of murders of social leaders in the country, it is still seriously affected by this situation. According to Indepaz between 2019 and 2023 (as of April 2023) there have been 968 homicides of social leaders registered in Colombia, of which 133 correspond to the Caribbean Region (13,73% of social leaders assassinated nationwide). Córdoba is the department that has registered most cases in the region in these years, with a total of 38 murders of social leaders in that period (in 2020, it was the fifth department in the country with the most murdered leaders). On the other hand, La Guajira has registered a total of 12 murders from 2019 to the present, with 2019 being the year with the most cases in the department as reported by Indepaz. Historically, homicidal violence against social leaders has been due to armed competition for the control of territories, however, in more current cases of the region, this violence has been directed against leaders who alter or threaten to alter the social order imposed by the armed actors (Trejos, 2020). The statistics show a pattern that does not seem to be improving, and in recent years there has been little progress in terms of managing the situation of social leaders in the region. There are many people who are exposed or at risk of being killed in the Caribbean and in other regions that are marginalized in Colombia. While it is expected that the current government will propose policies that are effective and help reduce the numerous murders of these leaders, there have yet to be clear signs of progress. Even so, in the last three governments, including the government of current President Gustavo Petro, the deaths of social leaders have not decreased but rather increased, and 2022 was a record-breaking year in terms of murders of leaders, according to a report by Indepaz.
Many social leaders have died in Colombia for raising their voices in the face of the inequalities and injustices that their communities are experiencing. These denouncements made by the leaders occur in the communities most impacted by marginalization and violence. It is because of these denouncements and such activism that many leaders have died in Colombia; unwanted deaths caused by armed groups or actors from the private and political sphere. In Colombia, the abandonment of the State in the most vulnerable and marginalized areas of the country is very evident: “The absence of state institutions or their fragile presence in areas of the territory generates empty spaces of authority and rule of law, giving rise to social, political and economic marginalization, which criminal groups take advantage of” (Hurtado, M, 2019). The realities of these territories generate suffering on the part of the community not only economically but also socially. They suffer from the lack of public institutions that have the oversight of the State, to guarantee not only the legitimacy of the state but also state stability. The abandonment and absence of the State has been a catalyst for people for many years to live in deplorable situations due to the lack of resources that meet basic needs.
These communities, especially in long marginalized departments such as La Guajira, not only suffer from hunger and poverty but also from diseases due to the contamination of the water they consume, which causes the most vulnerable people in La Guajira to experience a humanitarian crisis and deaths caused by malnutrition. In addition, La Guajira has a very important geopolitical location, which has aggravated the situation not only because of the deplorable conditions in which they live but also because of the threats and deaths they face from the armed groups that govern the territory. Like Javier, many other social leaders have been assassinated not only in the territory of La Guajira but also in Colombia, in many of the marginalized areas that Colombia has. The causes of the homicides of social leaders in La Guajira and Colombia may be related to the dispute over land and natural resources, the presence of illegal armed groups, the lack of effective protection measures by the State, and impunity in cases of violence. Furthermore, the stigmatization and criminalization of social leaders by political and economic sectors interested in the exploitation of natural resources and the marginalization of the most vulnerable communities also contribute to the violence against these leaders.
To conclude, the neglect of the Colombian State towards social leaders is a serious problem that has led to the murders of far too many social leaders in the country. This article focused on the story of Javier Gamez, a social leader from La Guajira who was assassinated in December 2022. The article also highlights the situation of social leaders in La Guajira and throughout Colombia, the risks they face and the varied reasons for the murders of social leaders. We have also explored the impact of the State’s neglect on the communities they represent. It is important that measures be taken to guarantee the safety and protection of social leaders in Colombia, especially in long marginalized regions like La Guajira, and that those responsible for these acts of violence be investigated and punished. In addition, the protection and prevention measures that have been implemented by the State and social and human rights organizations must be strengthened. It is necessary to make progress in the implementation of the Peace Agreement, which includes measures to protect social leaders and that resources be allocated, as well as effective policies being implemented to eradicate violence and to promote social justice in the country.
Social leader Eva Amaya was found stabbed to death at her home in Santiago de Tolú (Sucre) in September 2022.
Originally published on August 3rd, 2023
Article written by Sandy Pallares, Juan José Pavajeau & Daniela Sierra.
The department of Sucre may be a paradise for cattle raising and a land of vast savannas where the heat surrounds its inhabitants making it a warm and pleasant territory, but it also has a series of problematic issues that affect its growth. It is located in the north of Colombia with access to the Caribbean Sea, and proximity to large and important rivers, such as the Magdalena and the San Jorge, which converge to the south where the “Depresión Momposina” floodplains are found; thanks to this water wealth, the department has a great advantage for agricultural production. However, it is also an essential strategic route for illegal armed groups, due to its proximity to various departments such as Antioquia and Córdoba, which is also an essential factor in the increase of drug trafficking through the waterways. Nevertheless, illegal armed groups and illegal economic activities are not the only issues that plague this department, as it has also generated very serious structural problems such as sporadic violence and labor informality, which, together with insecurity, corruption, and poor-quality public services, form the main problems that the department is facing (Semana, 2022). Therefore, the work of social leaders has been essential. Social leaders are people that stick up for the rights and necessities of Sucre’s society. As they do throughout Colombia. Even though their labor is dangerous, it is vital, and it helps the improvement of the department. In Sucre there have been many social leaders who fight against powerful and dangerous groups that can threaten their lives. This article will explain the case of Eva Amaya, a persistent and proactive social leader from Santiago de Tolú who fought in defense of women’s rights and innovation in the department but sadly was found dead in her own house.
Social leaders in Sucre, whether men or women, face a series of significant challenges and can face similar difficulties. These include the threat of violence and intimidation by illegal armed groups, which makes it a dangerous labor in almost every case: “Four years after the Peace Agreement, nearly 47 attacks on social leaders have been registered in eight municipalities in the department of Sucre. Of the total number of cases, 30 are threats, 11 assassinations, and six attacks against men and women who lead victims process, community and land restitution processes, mainly” (Arias, et al., 2020). Such a situation is allowed to occur due to the lack of resources and support from the government and institutions, and discrimination based on the ethnicity or political position of the leaders. However, it is important to emphasize that women social leaders may face additional challenges due to their gender. Women often have less access to the resources and funding needed to lead organizations and carry out social projects and can also be victims of gender-based violence, harassment and discrimination both at home and in the community. In addition, women may have fewer opportunities to access leadership positions and to participate fully in decision making in their community; even so, when they access these positions, they are a clearer target of intimidation and violence that can foreshadow their death sentence. These factors are all clearly and sadly present in the case of social leader Eva Amaya Vidal.
Eva Amaya Vidal was one of the outstanding social leaders of the department of Sucre, whose work continues to have great relevance nowadays. According to El Heraldo (2022), Eva Amaya Vidal was part of different programs of the Governor’s Office of Sucre, such as the Productivity and Innovation Strategy, Sucre Innova and Sucre Sabe Diferente, where she developed as a female leader. This shows that she was an innovative, creative, and strong woman who pursued social change in her community. Eva strived for greater opportunities for women and was an important representative of the Afro-Colombian community in her region. She was born, grew up and lived in Santiago de Tolu in Sucre, a Colombian municipality located on the Caribbean coast, where social problems such as corruption and a marked gender inequality still persist, as well as environmental problems such as the existence of large amounts of solid waste. The aforementioned issues are related to Eva’s work, because she was a woman who was always active and looking for optimal solutions to improve the living conditions of her community. For instance, she worked on the Sucre Sabe Diferente project, which offered “training in business plans and endowment for positioned enterprises of local cooks with traditional knowledge” (Fondo mixto de promocion de la Cultura y las artes en Sucre, 2021), which shows that Eva worked for the benefit of economic development to mitigate a social problem that was affecting Santiago de Tolu. In fact, according to the Fondo mixto de promoción de la Cultura y las artes en Sucre (2021), the objective of providing equipment and utensils to 12 cooks to improve the productive processes of their enterprises was successfully achieved. Likewise, Eva Amaya worked for the Sucre Innova project, which “seeks to increase the creation of businesses in the department of Sucre” (Region Caribe, 2021). Considering the above, it can be said that Eva Amaya Vidal was one of the most important leaders of the department of Sucre due to her participation in various social and economic projects in the department. In addition, it is worth mentioning that she stuck up for human rights and believed in gender equality. However, unfortunately this great leader was cut down in an act of extreme violence.
The dead body of Eva Amaya was discovered in her home in September 2022. Eva Amaya’s femicide caused great consternation and rejection in the department. The president of the Afro Consultative of the department of Sucre, Ana Palomino, said in an interview with Resumen Latinoamericano that “Eva’s death is an irreparable loss for the Afro community” and assured that they are very hurt, since Eva was a leader in processes of cultural ethnic strengthening. According to Resumen Latinoamericano, (2022) the most important details of the crime are that:
The leader was found dead on Sunday, September 11, when her relatives went to look for her after not hearing anything from her since Friday; upon entering the house, they found the body in the bathroom with 4 wounds caused by a knife, in the village of El Guerrero, in the rural area of Santiago de Tolú. Eva lived with her partner, Freddy Rodríguez and her two children, 7 and 10 years old, but no one was found in the house and their location was unknown. Subsequently, on Monday, September 12, the minors were found in a municipality of Cundinamarca, and hours later Freddy Rodríguez, the leader’s romantic partner, and allegedly the person responsible for the crime, was found dead. The news came in the afternoon, when the man’s body was found in a hotel room in Fusagasugá, where he was a native. The authorities indicate that it could have been a suicide.
When this happened, the Ombudsman’s Office spoke out in condemnation of the femicide and emphasized the risks faced by human rights leaders; apart from this, an early warning was issued called AT 004/22, which points out the differential risk on women leaders and defenders, who in addition to be being targeted due to the valuable work they do, are often victims of gender-based violence. In the case of Eva, it seems the violence that ended her life came from someone who was supposed to always care for her. However, the threats faced by such leaders often come from various sources.
There are many factors that contribute to the persistence of violence against social leaders in Sucre. First, one factor is the armed conflict which means that like in many other regions of Colombia, Sucre has experienced decades of armed conflict between illegal armed groups, military and local groups. According to INDEPAZ, (2022) the groups that are present in the area where Eva was murdered are the AGC (Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia: a criminal organization which emerged from the demobilized AUC paramilitaries) and other local groups. This conflict has established the normalization of violence and a lack of trust in institutions and justice. As a second factor, there are the economic interests. The Sucre region is rich in natural resources such as oil, gas and minerals. These economic interests result in motives for armed groups outside the law and for other actors that result in decisions such as intimidating and attacking social leaders who oppose the exploitation of these resources or who defend the rights of communities affected by industries. As a third factor, there is discrimination and exclusion which refers to the pushback experienced as social leaders often defend the rights of vulnerable groups, such as indigenous communities, Afro-descendants, women and people in the LGBTIQ+ community. As a final factor, there is a lack of protection and justice. Despite of the Colombian government’s efforts to protect social leaders, a lack of resources and corruption often prevents the protection measures from being implemented. INDEPAZ data states that from 2016 until the end of July 2023, 1,512 social leaders have been murdered, and in the department of Sucre, where Eva was murdered, there have been 21 such murders. In addition, impunity in cases of violence against social leaders promotes a culture of violence and foments mistrust in institutions. As can be seen in the case of Eva, the danger some leaders face may even extend to their homes.
In summary, the department of Sucre in Colombia faces challenges that continue hindering its growth and development. These challenges include illegal armed groups, corruption, poor quality public services, and sporadic violence; but that’s not all, violence comes in different ways. In this case, we addressed violence against social leaders, especially women through the example of Eva Amaya. This is a serious concern in the department. These leaders face threats, discrimination, and gender violence, which makes their work even more challenging. The persistence of violence against leaders in Sucre can be attributed to various elements such as armed conflict, economic interests, discrimination, exclusion, and the lack of justice. Government efforts to protect social leaders are hampered by a lack of resources and corruption, which produces a culture of violence and mistrust in institutions. All these issues are increased thanks to the marked culture of gender-based violence in the region. Addressing these issues is critical to ensuring a prosperous future for the department and its people in order to achieve a true change that makes possible an improvement in terms of rights and matters of security. These improvements are the very least that slain leaders like Eva Amaya deserve.
Osvaldo Enrique Hernández Zuñiga & Alexander Fonseca Peñaranda were murdered in La Guajira.
Originally published on April 28th, 2023
Article written by Laury Cervantes, Yenifer Salgado & Laura Escorcia
In the Colombian context, a social leader is “a person who defends the rights of the community and develops an action for the common welfare recognized in its community, organization or territory. Every social leader is considered a human rights defender” (Indepaz, 2020). Even though they have a fundamental role withing the communities, their lives have been often threatened and, in many cases, taken. Osvaldo Enrique Hernández Zuñiga and Alexander Fonseca Peñaranda were both social leaders in their respective communities and both were murdered. Unfortunately, these murders have been near constant due to the existence of a wave of violence that is fueled by the absence of the state in certain territories, as in the case of the department of La Guajira. Therefore, many social leaders face the danger of receiving death threats, experiencing the attacks and murders of colleagues in similar positions and ultimately, for many, being assassinated for defending their community and territorial rights. This issue should not occur, as the state government should be responsible for establishing security and protecting the rights of the population, instead of leaving responsibility with the social leaders who risk their lives by making up for the inadequacies or limitations of the State. Fundamentally, social leaders in Colombia have a pivotal role in the defense of rights, especially in marginalized zones, where many indigenous communities are located, by trying to ensure their human rights and fighting against corruption and illegal activities that affect the development of their communities. Osvaldo Enrique Hernández Zúñiga and Alexander Fonseca Peñaranda faced such challenges and such corruption and, in their struggle, suffered great challenges that ultimately cost them their lives. That is why this text will address the cases of both social leaders in order to expose the challenges faced by human rights defenders in the department of La Guajira, and by extension throughout Colombia.
Osvaldo Enrique Hernández Zúñiga was one of the many social leaders who have been assassinated in Colombia throughout the last 7 years. He was a public worker in the Secretary of Education of the Mayor’s Office of Maicao, a municipality in La Guajira. Besides this work, he was a delegate of the Junta de Acción Comunal (Community Action Board; the most local level of community representation being a civic corporation to manage community needs) of the Erika Beatriz neighbourhood, in this part of the department. Woefully, he was assassinated on October 5th, 2021, by two hitmen, who shot him dead, silencing his voice immediately and leaving many vulnerable people defenseless. The 33-year-old had been working as a school feeding contractor in Maicao, while also serving as a neighbourhood activist, being recognized as a community leader and an example to follow for his great work and for being a teacher with a high-ranking title, holding a master’s degree in education. Since his killing, there has been great consternation in that border town due to the death of this social leader, which makes apparent the security crisis that exists in La Guajira, and sadly throughout the country. When reviewing reports of this murder, it is perhaps worrying to see how the initial story gave an indication that this crime was an act of robbery, with Osvaldo’s motorbike being the target. Strangely enough, those same reports state that the perpetrators shot Osvaldo instantly and failed to take his motorbike after the crime. Unfortunately, Osvaldo has not been the only social leader murdered for defending the rights of his community, since a similar situation was presented with the case of Aura Esther Garcia Peñalver, who was a Wayúu (the Wayúu are an Amerindian ethnic community and the most populous indigenous group in Colombia; their homeland covers the Guajira Peninsula in the northernmost part of Colombia) social leader in the same department since she participated actively in different activities related to activism and the defence of indigenous rights. This work led her to denounce irregularities and mismanagement of children’s resources of the School Feeding Plan. Pithily, she was murdered by gunmen on a motorcycle, just like what happened with Osvaldo. This is evidence of the violence and difficulties that social leaders and activists have in fighting against corruption and defending their rights, and as El Espectador (2021) states, threats against journalists and social leaders have increased for reporting cases of corruption and mismanagement of resources, highlighting the misappropriation of funds in school feeding projects for the most vulnerable. This problem is so serious that there have been constant appeals for help from the Asociación de Periodistas Independientes de Colombia (APIC) and the social leaders of La Guajira on the security crisis and the spread of violence against leaders who protect their communities. Unfortunately, far from being isolated incidents, cases like those of Osvaldo and Aura before him occur with alarming regularity.
Another important case which demonstrates the widespread violence towards social leaders in the department is the assassination of Alexander Fonseca. Alexander was a Wayúu indigenous leader and a teacher in one of the educational institutions in Manaure —a municipality of La Guajira— who, after defending the rights and ensuring the well-being of his community through education, was killed in a shooting on April 2nd of 2022. This specific case acquires a high degree of importance because, within the extensive problem of political violence against social leaders, it represents an aspect that is not usually rigorously analyzed. Even though teachers are often victims of political violence, there is little documentation on the extent (Novelli, 2009). The murder of Alexander Fonseca represents the assassination of a social leader, but also represents the murder of an ethnoeducator. As it is widely known, teachers play an essential role in the social and political transformation of a system. Through these educators, indigenous communities can better understand the role of society and the position they have —and could have— within it. This case is also part of a very predominant pattern in La Guajira regarding this specific issue of ethnoeducation and social leaders. Alexander’s case is not the first case of its kind to happen in the department. Three years earlier, on February 19th of 2019, the teacher and indigenous leader Jose Victor Ceballos Epinayu was murdered when he was leaving his home to fulfil his duty as an educator. In both cases, different NGOs and individuals —especially from the communities— urged the national and international control entities to act effectively in response to the steady murders of social leaders. However, as is far too common within the context of political and social violence, their demands were not attended by the Colombian government. Colombian educators have been subject to a widespread violation of their human rights through political violence for a long time. For example, a report from UNESCO in 2009 established that “Between 1991 and 2006, 808 Colombian educators were killed, 2015 received death threats, 21 were tortured, 59 were “disappeared”, and 1008 were forced to leave their homes and jobs for fear of violence” (Novelli, 2009). Violence against teachers may have reduced since those darkest days of the conflict, but it remains. More striking is the numbers regarding violence against social leaders since the signing of the peace agreement with the FARC in 2016. Sources such as Indepaz place the number of social leaders killed since then at higher than 1,400, with indigenous leaders representing a significant proportion of that figure. The question that must be asked is what the root causes of such violence are.
These cases demand an analysis of the increase of violence in La Guajira. Regardless of how kind or welcoming people from Colombia might be, there has been a history of violence dating back to the formation of the state and sadly, this violence has been hard to eliminate. As was mentioned above, since the signing of the peace agreement in 2016, the focus of much of this violence has fallen on social leaders and activists. If one looks at the situation in a department such as La Guajira, it is perhaps possible to identify some of the underlying factors which allow this violence to flourish. There is always violence surrounding an environment and this is the case of La Guajira, a department rich in culture, tradition and natural beauty, but with risky situations such as forced displacement, threats against those claiming land, forced disappearance and selective homicides, in addition to the recruitment of children, youth and adolescents by illegal organizations, and indeed, the very presence of those illegal actors (Conversatorio La Guajira: Dinámicas del Conflicto, Situación Humanitaria y Políticas Públicas, 2011). All of these dynamics generate an unsteady feeling and difficulties for the population of the zone in general because according to Guajira 360 (2017): “in the current phase of violence and insecurity, in La Guajira everything is related.” This highlights the relationship between these different types of insecurities and topics such as development of the region, economic activities, local and regional tourism and other topics like the high levels of poverty and social inequality in the department. These difficulties are reflected in violence in the region and throughout Colombia, which is so concerning to the point that the United Nations (2021) expressed “concern at the occurrence of massacres and the continuous killing of human rights defenders, social leaders, and former FARC-EP fighters”. Concern that not only the members of the United Nations have; others in the region have expressed concern about this situation and their concern grows more and more because, according to Hoz (2022), “…disadvantaged communities without these people (social leaders) who provide them with a valuable service” end up as even more marginalized and seeing a lot more violence. On the other hand, according to Salamanca (2014), La Guajira is also suffering from abandonment by the Colombian state, because all these things that are happening in this territory, like violence, famine, drought, and economic problems, are thanks to the lack of presence and attention from the State in order to sort these problems out. As a result of this situation, it is clear that the level of violence and insecurity are increasing, not only in La Guajira, but also the territory of Colombia in general.
In conclusion, social leaders have been strongly affected by the waves of political violence in the country. In the department of La Guajira, the murders of Osvaldo Enrique Hernandez Zuñiga and Alexander Fonseca represent the magnitude of the violence against social leaders in the territory. In both cases, it is possible to observe some distinctive characteristics since each of these cases was developed from a different perspective regarding the forms of political violence. On the one hand, through the case of Osvaldo, it was possible to analyze the role of the press in these types of issues. The national press, especially from important media outlets, tends to minimize the assassination of social leaders and does not give them the necessary recognition to address the problem in an effective way. Alexander’s case, on the other hand, exposes the relationship that can develop between violence and education; giving a high degree of importance to the role of educators —especially ethnoeducators— as agents of social transformation. In both cases, it is possible to observe specific patterns concerning the situation of social leaders, so a comparative analysis was carried out between the cases of Osvaldo and Alexander and the cases of Aura Esher Garcia Peñalver and Jose Victor Ceballos Epinayu respectively in order to analyze these patterns in greater depth. This analysis shows that these are not isolated cases, but rather part of the increasing violence in La Guajira and throughout Colombia. In the same way, this analysis highlights how the lack of state presence in La Guajira (and other areas of the country) can completely change the course of a region that could become a tourist powerhouse for the country, but instead ends up trapped in the nightmare situation of violence against the citizens of the area and their defenders.
References
(2011). La Guajira: Dinámicas del Conflicto, Situación Humanitaria y Políticas Públicas. Riohacha, Colombia.
Oswaldo Duglas Bula represented the interests of informal vendors in Montería until his murder in November 2022.
Originally published on July 21th, 2023
Article written by Sergio Hernandez, Mariana Makarewicz & Jorge Paez.
In countries like Colombia, it is common to find social leaders in various parts of the country -small rural areas in particular- as the lack of State presence makes their communities vulnerable, and therefore community leadership is essential. Social leaders defend the rights of the community and actively work for the common good in their organization or territory, often by trying to deter their community and its members from drugs, violence, or actions which could be harmful for the local environment. They have very important roles as they improve society by drawing attention to the issues in these regions and by trying to improve or solve them. The role of social leaders can be dangerous and many of them are murdered by people with opposing interests. This article will focus on the violence towards social leaders in the region of Cordoba and elsewhere in the country. It will do this by exploring the cases of three social leaders who have been murdered over the last five years.
The first social leader, and the most recent of three cases presented, was Oswaldo Duglas Bula. He was a social leader based in Monteria who was shot dead on the streets by hitmen on the night of November 25th, 2022. Oswaldo was a well-known community leader who worked for the relocation of market vendors in southern Montería, a guild of which he was also a part. According to Raquel (2019), “In 2019, the percentage of informal employment in Colombia stood at 62.1 percent of the total employed population.”. In other words, in Colombia there are more informal workers than formal workers, and this makes situations like Oswaldo’s even more common. Social leaders like him are necessary in regions with little State presence to better the community and to make it a safer place in which to live. Oswaldo led this whole process, in addition to doing charity work for those who most needed it in the capital of Córdoba. The president of the Informal Vendors Association indicated that they knew they could not oppose the development of the city, but that they were concerned none of the authorities had shown any real interest in the possibility of appropriately transferring them to another site. According to relatives, one of the sons of the victim, who was also a market vendor in the Mercadito del Sur site, had recently received threats, so he fled from Córdoba. It is more than likely that said threats are linked to Oswaldo’s assassination. Cases like Oswaldo’s are sadly not uncommon.
Oswaldo isn’t the only tragic case in recent years. Another social leader murdered in Córdoba was María del Pilar Hurtado, a scrap metal collector who worked in a sawmill with her husband. Like Oswaldo, she also advocated for the relocation of vulnerable communities; in the case of Maria del Pilar, these were communities who had been displaced due to conflict. However, these families began building homes on land belonging to a local politician, and that was the end of her story. She was declared a military target by the Clan del Golfo (also known as the Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia or the AGC; this group can be traced to the AUC right-wing paramilitaries, and they are now considered the largest illegal group in Colombia) and was later murdered right in front of one of her children. It is sad to see that this is the Colombia we live in, and that very little has been done to support people in these situations.
Similarly, there was the case of Temístocles Machado. Temístocles was a resident of Buenaventura (in the department of Choco on the country’s Pacific coast) and a strong defender of his territory in the face of the threat of armed groups. Temístocles was defending the interests of his community which were being threatened by the expansion of infrastructure and facilities of the shipping port in Buenaventura, one of the Colombia’s principal maritime ports. He was assassinated by a couple of hired killers in January 2018 in the parking lot in which he worked to support his 11 children. This situation can be seen as similar to Oswaldo’s as both social leaders represented the residents of disadvantaged and marginalized communities which were threatened by the ¨development¨ of their respective cities. It is hard not to view such crimes as a grim and bloody metaphor for the human and social cost of Colombia’s economic development.
Throughout the three cases we can observe informal communities being overlooked and perhaps even eliminated if they are deemed to be standing in the way of “progress”. As can be seen, there are many cases of social leaders being murdered for trying to make a positive change in their communities. These crimes are occurring throughout much of Colombian territory, often in marginalized rural areas with little true state presence. In the Caribbean region, the most affected department is Córdoba. According to the Instituto de estudios para el desarrollo y la paz (Indepaz), there have been 62 cases of such murders in Córdoba between 2016, when the peace treaty was signed between the Colombian government and the Farc guerrillas, to April 2023. Cordoba is known to be a dangerous zone not just due to the lack of State presence, but also the presence of armed groups such as the previously mentioned AGC and the ELN (left-wing guerrillas) in addition to other dangerous groups. It is also important to take into account that Córdoba borders Antioquia, which is one of the most dangerous regions in Colombia due to the high numbers of narcotrafficking organizations operating in that particular department. That region, as a whole, is coveted as a highly strategic area for the cultivation, processing and transport of coca and cocaine, as well as other illicit activities such as illegal mining. The terrible rates of violence against social leaders and human rights defenders have not only attracted the attention of state entities, but also several international organizations.
Due to so much violence in these rural areas of Colombia, many international organizations have written reports about these cases such as the Human Rights Watch. They base their research off the facts available. One such fact is that “More than 1.000 human rights defenders and social leaders have been killed in Colombia since 2016”. This organization has also evaluated the measures taken to reduce these issues; “But implementation, especially of measures established under the 2016 peace accord, has often been poor.”. Other international organizations, such as Amnesty International and the UN have also stated the need for much greater protection of social leaders, and for more integral approaches towards the theme of rural development in Colombia. It has been important to have international organizations talk about these issues and their realities as it helps spread awareness. For cases such as Oswaldo’s, it would be beneficial to see more presence of the State to implement a sense of security in the region and to reduce the violence. Beyond this, it seems essential that there is true dialogue between all the various stakeholders when it comes to decisions which affect both the formal and informal sectors.
In conclusion, there are many regions in Colombia where the state does not have much (if any) presence, and so communities are led by social leaders to try to better the situation of these societies. The roles of social leaders are so dangerous that many of them are murdered. People like Oswaldo, who chose to spend his life working in defense of market vendors and doing charity work for those who most needed it in the capital of Córdoba, are usually left aside by authorities in Colombia who prioritize urban development over the needs of the vulnerable and show little to no interest in the possibility of fixing the issue. Ideally, it would be nice to see permanent solutions for the violence in the country and an improvement of the living situations for the vulnerable communities in rural areas. A solid peace treaty with the illegal groups that harm said communities, and policies that guarantee safety and protection for the social leaders who stand up to draw attention to the issues they face would be an ideal solution. Unfortunately, with the corruption that exists in the government, from the local to the national level, and the lack of state presence in many parts of the country, it is difficult to envision this reality in the near future.
Social leader Filadelfo Anzola was murdered amidst the state abandon that defines the south of Bolívar, a region whose lack of basic infrastructure, among other factors, allows illegal groups to prosper.
Article written by Daniela Arcon, Isabella Castrillon & Adriana Peña
Throughout the history of the armed conflict in Colombia social leaders have fought for the well-being of their communities. Some of the ways they have done this have been through defending the ownership of their lands, the health of their ecosystem and the human rights of their community. Being a social leader in Colombia is not easy, since by being a social leader, one may become a target of armed groups, the military and on occasion the government itself, as leaders are viewed as an obstacle to the interests of these groups or sectors. Leaders fight without being recognized and sometimes die without their name being remembered. After the peace agreement between the government and the FARC guerrillas in 2016, the number of social leaders’ murders have increased as a variety of armed groups have filled the power vacuum left by FARC, and fight for the control of the territories in search of gaining control over coca production, mining and other illegal activities. According to Human Rights Watch (2021) “The killings have exposed an underreported pattern of violence and abuse in remote parts of Colombia where law enforcement and judicial processes rarely reach. This absence of state institutions has left countless communities undefended”. The problem here is the absence of the State and the lack of policies created and applied for marginalized communities that have been impacted by the armed conflict. Social leaders in Colombia deserve to be recognized and protected for everything that they do for their communities. This text will aim to explore this issue by focusing on the case of Filadelfo Anzola, a significant leader in the Magdalena Medio region, who was killed just because he believed in protecting the rights of his people and the environment.
A clear reflection of the situation regarding social leaders in Colombia is the case of Filadelfo Anzola in the department of Bolivar. Filadelfo was a social leader and human rights defender dedicated to promoting, protecting and denouncing the alarming state of human rights in the Magdalena Medio region. Anzola employed several mechanisms and civilian organisations to fight for the rights of the community. For example, he had participated in the Environmental Commission of the Human Rights Committee of the NGO CREDHOS, he led the land reclamation commission of the community of Los Alpes and he was leader of the Community Action Board, Junta de Acción Comunal, (JAC) of the municipality of San Pablo (BLU Radio Santander, 2022). Part of Filadelfo’s job in CREDHOS was to denounce military actions or environmental damage in the area that could or had affected the community. However, the projects led by Filadelfo suffered a grave and tragic setback on Thursday the 6th of December 2022, when he was shot dead by two men on a motorbike in the township of Cagüices. Despite the lack of information about the motives of his murder, it is considered that the crime is related to the civic activities Anzola was carrying out in that jurisdiction, namely, his intentions to be part of the council for the MAIS party. Likewise, the authorities are not certain who the perpetrators were, but it’s considered that those responsible could be the “Auto Defensas Gaitanistas de Colombia” an armed group with strong presence in the territory (Montaño, 2022). Unfortunately, the presence of armed actors such as these means that Filadelfo’s case is far from an isolated occurance.
It is sadly evident that individuals engaged in social leadership and the protection of human rights have been victims of fatal violence in Colombia, particularly in traditionally marginalized areas such as the southern region of Bolívar. These territories have strategic importance in the control of economies such as gold and the cocaine production chain, consequently, the role of different groups, both legal and illegal, to this region will be observed. It is imperative to consider the previously stated remarks to understand the dynamics present in this area of the nation: its strategic relevance to the growth of armed groups, the conflicts between them, and the absence of state control which facilitates the spread of these dynamics. In the first place, territories in the south of Bolivar provide an advantageous environment for armed groups that have been in control of certain areas of the department for many years, such as the southern region and the villages of Montecristo and Mina Piojó. The year of 1997 stands out for, with the region already having an established presence of the ELN and the FARC (both left-wing guerrilla organizations), the entry of the AUC (right-wing paramilitaries) into the panorama. Such a dynamic meant the region was the scene of horrendously violent clashes between these rival forces. Now more than two decades later, the presence of subversive armed actors such as the 24th and 37th fronts of the FARC (dissidents from the peace treaty) and the front José Solano Sepúlveda of the ELN prevail in the region, in addition to the AGC (an armed group (heavily involved in illegal economies) formed following the demobilization of the AUC paramilitaries in 2006. These locations are attractive to these groups due to their high fertility soil, commercial borders, and the aforementioned lack of state presence.
Another example, the Montes de Maria region, located between the departments of Bolivar and Sucre, is worth noting. According to Indepaz (2011), the development of road infrastructure in this area was initially unstable, which caused it to be neglected and hard to reach. The Troncal Occidental and the Troncal del Caribe routes provided new access to the Atlantic coast and its ports, allowing for the potential of strategic pathways to the coast that could be used for drug and arms trafficking. However, it is important to remember that the exploitation of these resources is also of international interest, specifically to companies from the global north. Andrés, a miner from the Federación Agrominera del Sur de Bolívar said that in the south of Bolivar “mining is a lottery: there is only one who buys the ticket and that is the one who wins it”. The winners would be those large international mining companies that exploit the territory with the permission of the different governments with specific financial objectives, but without considering the general welfare of the population or region. Furthermore, The AGC, ELN, and 37th Front are vying for control of the Serranía de San Lucas, which is part of a region that encompasses the municipalities of Montecristo, Santa Rosa del Sur, Simití, and San Pablo in the south of Bolívar department. This area holds strategic importance due to illegal goldmining economies and the cocaine production chain. The Comisión de la Verdad (Truth Commission established as part of the 2016 peace agreement between the Colombian state and the FARC guerrillas) found that certain groups implemented an extractive business model in certain territories, which was supported by the cultivation of illegal crops and mining. This led to the forced displacement of communities and land grabbing. It is important to emphasize that even if goal of this article is to understand the illegal dynamics present in the Bolivar department, it cannot be ignored that these dynamics represent the day-to-day reality for numerous rural communities in the country. Consequently, it is undeniable that the lack of state sovereignty and inadequate governance in the Bolivar department has led to certain dynamics, particularly in the nation’s rural areas. For well over twenty years, the southern region of the department has been occupied by armed groups that take advantage of the lack of state authority. These illegal groups attempt to provide “security” and fulfil the “hard duties” of the state but do so by using intimidation and violence. An example would be the extortion rackets, exploitation of income or land claiming. However, it is also essential to consider what methods the community in Bolivar has employed to address the destruction inflicted by armed groups in the area.
It is undeniable that the Bolivar community has endured hardships, however, it is equally significant to comprehend the methods through which they attempt to confront these situations. Currently, the communities are trying under the framework of the peace accords to make use of the mechanisms at hand to bring security and reparations to the region. For example, The Junta de Acción Comunal (Community Action Board-JAC) stands out as one of the primary tools utilized by local communities. The definition provided by the Mayor’s Office of Tesauquillo establishes the JAC as a non-profit civic corporation composed of the residents of a place, who join efforts and resources to procure the solution to the most urgent needs of the community. Some of the objectives of the JAC are to “disseminate, promote and watch over the exercise of human, fundamental and environmental rights enshrined in the Constitution”. Another tool widely used by the Bolivar community is the practice of land restitution, which defends the right of the victims to have their land returned to them when it was taken or abandoned as a result of the armed conflict. Finally, it is important to highlight the government policies which intend to work as support of the Peace Accord. Under the administration of the former president Iván Duque, the National Government opted to develop a protocol known as the Plan de Acción Oportuna de Prevención y Protección or PAO. Its main goal was the protection of human rights defenders, social and community leaders, and journalists. Sadly, social leaders continue to be hindered by constant death threats and ineffective protection mechanisms (PAO). Currently, the authorities proclaim that they are following the new framework defined by PAO, but its measures are not clearly defined.
To conclude, it is important to acknowledge that the terrible reality which Filadelfo had to go through, and not only him but also other social leaders in Colombia, like the ones mentioned in this article, is a reality that can and must change. Nonetheless, for this reality to change, the actions taken by the government and the awareness that civil society has about social leaders needs to improve. It is necessary that we as a society push our government to take substantial action on the armed conflict, not only with the peace accords but also by protecting the victims of the conflict in order to prevent them from being revictimized. Government entities need to follow-up on the situation facing social leaders and help them with their labors by connecting the public policies with the reality that people in the areas most affected by conflict have to go through, and assuring protection against the repercussions of armed groups by demonstrating true state presence.
Social leaders in Colombia want to change the reality of our country with their advocacy for the protection of their people and their lands. As citizens we need to reflect on Filadelfio’s story, and those of all social leaders in the country, and realize that we are part of the change too. We can do this by acknowledging the importance of the work that these leaders do in their communities and the impact that their deaths can cause on the marginalized communities of our country, on our environment and in the political arena.
The annual Festival of Drums and Cultural Expressions of Palenque is a celebration of the unique culture and identity of San Basilio de Palenque. It is a demonstration of the enduring resistance of the first free town of the Americas and indicative of the rich cultural diversity found in Colombia. Last year, La Libertad Sublime visited to learn more about what Palenque represents in terms of the diaspora, music, tradition and power.
Originally published on October 10th, 2023.
Diappora – Diaspora
/dʌɪˈasp(ə)rə/
The dispersion or spread of a people from their original homeland.
It is difficult to think of Palenque, or its festival, without thinking of the diaspora. A settlement established by those escaping the ravages of slavery in the 17th century, Palenque and its early inhabitants fiercely defended this independence to the extent that it has endured to this day. A piece of Africa, as performers Justo Valdez and Viviano Torres pointed out. In doing so, the town has become synonymous with Afro-Colombian identity and culture. Its annual festival of drums and cultural expressions is the most vivid manifestation of this culture and identity, and the ideal moment for a gathering of the diaspora. While Palenque itself is an expression of the African diaspora, disseminated through the horrors of slavery, the town counts on its own diaspora. Like many rural towns throughout Colombia, its inhabitants have a long history of migration; to nearby cities such as Cartagena and Barranquilla principally, but also further afield to places like Bogotá and internationally to neighboring countries and beyond.
The festival was originally conceived as an occasion for the settlement’s diaspora to come together and strengthen their shared culture and identity. Iveth Herrera Miranda is an example of Palenque’s near diaspora; she was born in Barranquilla to Palenquero parents and runs the Kasimba cultural centre there promoting food and dance as expressions of Palenque’s culture. The centre takes its name from the hollows traditionally dug out of creek banks and used for washing clothes in Palenque in times gone by. Iveth, like many of Palenque origin living in cities like Cartagena and Barranquilla, stays with family members when visiting for the festival, and expresses satisfaction that the festival has grown from what was traditionally a day to celebrate the role of colonizers (Columbus day) to being a celebration of the particularities of Palenque culture.
Cultural leader Iveth Herrera is from the Palenque diaspora in Barranquilla, where she runs the Kasimba cultural centre. Photo courtesy of Iveth Herrera.
Like Iveth Herrera, Sidney Reyes Reyes, a researcher, music collector and radio presenter, also hails from the Palenque community in Barranquilla. Sidney speaks of childhood trips to San Basilio de Palenque as being the highlight of every year, and he continues to visit as frequently as possible. For Sidney, Palenque represents a town and community that has led a valiant resistance since the era of colonialism, maintaining its honor and a sense of freedom despite the many challenges and obstacles it has faced.
Researcher, collector and radio presenter Sidney Reyes Reyes. Photo courtesy of Sidney Reyes Reyes.
Kairen Gutierrez grew up in Cartagena, where from an early age she was exposed to racist and discriminatory comments focusing on the color of her skin and her Palenquera background. This discrimination led Kairen to a life dedicated to political and community activism on behalf of Palenque and other Afro-Colombian communities throughout the region. Kairen is in no doubt of the importance of the festival: ‘(the festival) is the moment, the stage, the meeting, the most important date for the Palenque diaspora, every year…it’s the opportunity to enjoy and share our culture’. Figures like Kairen, involved in national Afro-Colombian networks such as Procesos de Comunidades Negras (PCN) have been pivotal in establishing the festival as a reference point not only for those with familial ties to Palenque but also for Afro-Colombian communities in distinctive regions of Colombia, such as the Raizal population from the islands of San Andres and Providencia and the many Afro-Colombian populations located on the country´s Pacific coast. Increasingly, the town and its festival are attracting interest from the African diaspora throughout the Americas.
The festival at Palenque welcomed artistic acts from Colombia’s Pacific coast, another hotbed of Afro-Colombian identity in the country.
Tamia Jordan is the director of intercultural student affairs at Emerson College in Boston. Her work had previously seen her travel with students from the U.S. to Ghana as part of a music exchange program. Making connections with the African diaspora has been a long-held objective for Tamia, and she had previously travelled to Havana, Cuba, and Portobello in Panama in order to forge such links. While on her first visit to Colombia in 2018, Tamia visited Palenque, and established a relationship with the Palenquero hip-hop group Kombilesa Mi, whom she would later help bring to Emerson College in July 2022. Months later, Tamia was back in Palenque for the festival, which she views as the type of experience that assuages the heartache etched in the DNA of those who can trace their ancestors to the horrors of the transatlantic slave trade.
Tamia Jordan, visiting from the U.S. with friend Jeanné Anderson, poses for a picture with the legendary Justo Valdez, of Son Palenque.
Filmmaker and researcher Carolina del Mar Fernandez emphasized the importance of technology in terms of allowing younger generations of Palenqueros to establish connections with their peers of African origin elsewhere in the world, at a time when black pride messages are much more pronounced than in the past. It seemed appropriate that among all the colorful murals which decorate the town with messages exalting pride in the community, its identity, and its achievements, there were but three words in English: Black Lives Matter. Singer and cultural ambassador Viviano Torres sees the festival as the perfect occasion for these disperse communities and cultures to come together, with the drum as the central pillar, while Justo Valdez, leader of the legendary Son Palenque, highlighted how more and more people arrive at the festival these days to hear ‘the music of the African diaspora’.
Músika – Music
/ˈmjuː.zɪk/
An art of sound in time that expresses ideas and emotions in significant forms through the elements of rhythm, melody, harmony, and color.
Originating from the Latin «musica» which is derived from the Greek term «mousike», which makes reference to the education of the spirit, placed under the patronage of the muses of the arts.
It is an impossibility to think of Palenque without music. Music is both a link to the past of Palenque and the bridge which connects the town and its inhabitants to the nations and peoples of the African continent, from where their ancestors had been seized and sold into slavery centuries ago. Music is the language which courses through the diaspora from Palenque to Port-au-Prince, Havana and San Juan and across the waves to Kinshasa, Lagos and Nairobi. In Palenque, music marks the times of joy, such as its festival, and also times of sadness, such as during the Lumbalú funeral traditions, where days of mourning are filled with wailing, prayers, songs and dance as a way of aiding the transition of the departed, a ritual that can be traced back to Bantú territory in western Africa.
Researcher, collector and picotero Don Alirio. Photo courtesy of Don Alirio.
Palenque has also been at the vanguard of the popular music scene throughout Colombia. It was in Palenque and among Palenquero communities in Cartagena and Barranquilla that genres from the Congo, Nigeria, Kenya and South Africa (among others) gained popularity at the picó sound systems from the 1970s onwards. However, the importance of Palenque as an entrance point extends far beyond then. For Don Alirio, an avid record collector, picotero, and researcher, San Basilio de Palenque does not receive the national acclaim it merits in relation to the popularity of Salsa music: “The first manifestations of Afro-Antillan rhythms such as Son Guajiro, Son Cubano or Son Montuno, were made in Palenque, not Barranquilla, and not Cali”. These rhythms were interpreted by a group of musicians with a musical legacy of almost a hundred years of tradition, a group known today as the Sexteto Tabalá. Their exposure to Cuban rhythms as far back as the 1920s has been credited to contact with Cuban engineers who had visited the region to share knowledge of sugar cane production, and who in the process, brought instruments of African origin such as the marimbula. This group, under the guidance of maestro Rafael Cassiani Cassiani (until his death in 2022), has made a massive contribution in terms of putting Palenque, and Palenquero culture, on the map at a national and international level, as well as playing a fundamental role in the perpetuation of this rich musical and cultural legacy through the training and teaching of subsequent generations. This musical apprenticeship forms younger generations in the tambor-drumming, dancing and singing required in traditional rhythms such as Bullerengue, Chulapa and the Mapale.
Marimbulas in the casa cultural of Kombilesa Mi in Palenque. The instruments were originally introduced to the Palenque community by Cuban engineers visiting Colombia in the 1930s.
All of these rhythms and dances are present throughout the three days of a festival where the tambor is the “central epicentre” according to Viviano Torres. Viviano was a leading figure in the development of Terapia music scene in the early to mid-eighties. Effectively, this genre saw artists from Palenque, Cartagena and Barranquilla reinterpret the rhythms and melodies of the hugely popular African music which dominated the local picó culture from the 1970s onwards. Rhythms such as soukous (from the modern-day Democratic Republic of Congo), highlife (from Nigeria and Ghana), mbaqanga (from the townships of South Africa) or benga (from Kenya) ruled the local sound system culture throughout the Caribbean region following their arrival through the ports at Cartagena and Barranquilla. These records were so highly sought after by the owners of the picó sound systems that they would fund trips by the so-called “corresponsales” to find records throughout the Caribbean and even further afield to cities such as New York and Paris, as well as making the ultimate pilgrimage to cities such as Kinshasha, Lagos, and Nairobi, in search of new music to set their picó apart. Many of these records were held as treasured exclusives by sound systems and as such, all evidence of their identity was concealed, with covers guarded jealously and labels scratched off.
Musician and cultural ambassador Viviano Torres during the 2022 festival in Palenque.
For researcher and collector Sidney Reyes Reyes, it was difficult to put into words the affinity he felt upon hearing these genres as a youth, music that “connected us to the motherland, a magical experience that strengthened the invisible thread which connects us as African descendants”. As a young man growing up in the midst of the mighty picó soundsystems of Palenque and Cartagena, Viviano Torres would use a handheld device to record the hypnotic guitar driven melodies transported from far foreign lands. The languages of the lyrics may have been unfamiliar, but the underlying rhythms were not: “I said to myself that when I heard an African rhythm, a soukous rhythm, or a mbaqanga rhythm…if we took out the harmony of a soukous, what you hear is what (music) sounds like in Palenque, or if we’re listening to a mbaqanga, and we take out the harmony, I’m listening to bullerengue, so I thought of us and them as the same, that we have a lot of similarities”. Inspired by these African genres and other Caribbean rhythms which blasted out of picós such as compa, cadence and zouk, Viviano embarked on a musical career under the stage name of Anne Zwing and forged a path which set the tone for the Terapia and later the Champeta genres which melded these hugely popular foreign rhythms with locally inspired lyrics. Viviano made an effort to include lyrics written in the Palenquero language to make sure that these new genres resonated strongly with the local community.
Justo Valdez & Son Palenque onstage on Saturday night at the festival.
Another giant of the Afro-Colombian music scene, and pioneer of the incorporation of the Palenquero language in popular music, is Justo Valdez, leader of the emblematic Son Palenque. Before taking to the main stage in the square on Saturday evening, Justo could be found wandering throughout the streets of Palenque in a typically flamboyant outfit. Like Viviano, Justo Valdez was one of pioneers of Terapia and Champeta Criolla music in the region and was pivotal in the promotion of the Palenquero language. Justo stated that Son Palenque have always fought for their language and culture, and pointed out that anthem of Palenque, which he wrote, was recognised by Unesco when it awarded the status of cultural patrimony for the town (Unesco, 2005). Like Viviano and Justo, among the revellers at the festival were other giants from the local music scene with legendary groups such the Estrellas del Caribe and the Grupo Son San forming part of the line up on the main stage in the square over the weekend, in addition to numerous acts highlighting the rich folkloric traditions of Afro-Colombian communities from both of Colombia’s coastal regions. However, the main attraction was a group hailing from the smallest country in Africa, the island nation of Sao Tome and Principe, that was making their first visit to a distant region where their music has been celebrated since the early eighties.
Grupo Son San perform “A Pilha La Roz” to a delighted audience on Saturday night.
The popularity of the group Africa Negra in Palenque, Cartagena and Barranquilla is a testament to the power of the picó culture. For Don Alirio, these soundsystems eliminate the boundaries between musical genres and countries, allowing picoteros, selectors and DJs to take revellers on a musical journey across space and time. Such a dissolution of the linguistic and cultural boundaries that separate nations and regions of the world allowed a group such as Africa Negra, led by their iconic frontman General Joao Seria with lyrics in the local Forro language (a form of Creole language incorporating aspects of Portuguese with traditional local languages), to be hugely popular in the town of Palenque and among its diaspora who speak the Palenquero creole language and Spanish on the opposite side of the Atlantic ocean. The popularity of the group is attributed to the arrival of their second LP (‘Carambola’ recorded in 1983) to Cartagena. The record proved a hugely popular hit among local audiences and was a treasured exclusive of the El Conde picó for an incredible sixteen years until the identity of the song was finally discovered (Fukafra, 2015). For Don Alirio, the group’s guitar driven style broke the mould of the African genres that had been hitherto popular in the soundsystems despite being clearly influenced by Congolese rumba rhythms.
Africa Negra perform “Vence Vitória” to a rapt local crowd on the Friday of the Festival.
The group’s visit saw them perform in Palenque on the Friday and Sunday of the festival, with a performance in between in the neighborhood of Nueva Colombia (a Palenquero enclave in the centre of Barranquilla), in between. For those lucky enough to see these concerts, it was a hugely significant experience. Political representative Kairen Gutierrez expanded on this: “…for the palanquero community, we were used to hearing these songs, at the picós and on vinyl records, but we had never seen them live and direct, and so for the community, especially the older inhabitants, they couldn’t believe that they were seeing Africa Negra right there in Palenque…it was really beautiful”. It seems that the feeling was mutual, with band leader Joao Seria telling media outlet RTSP (2022) that they never knew their music had been so popular in Palenque and Colombia for such a long time and expressed his honor at how well the band had been received. The cherished performances to a rapt local audience would take on even greater poignancy following the sudden death of Joao Seria in May 2023.
General Joao Seria of Africa Negra posing in front of the Gran Lobo picó during his time in Barranquilla and Palenque in October 2022. Their appearance in Palenque would take on added poignancy following his sudden death in May 2023. Photo courtesy of Julio César Lobo.
Tradisio – Tradition
/trəˈdɪʃ.ən/
The transmission of customs or beliefs from generation to generation, or the fact of being passed on in this way.
The festival in Palenque is a celebration of, and an effort to maintain and conserve, the traditions which define the town and its identity. These traditions can be traced all the way back to the establishment of the town by its iconic founder Benkos Biohó, who had led a party of people escaping slavery towards the mountainous region to the south-west of Cartagena in the 17th century. Following several attempts by Spanish soldiers to recapture these cimarrones (known as maroons in English), a royal decree eventually recognized the autonomy of the town in 1714, as researcher and filmmaker Carolina del Mar Fernandez pointed out, a full 90 years before the independence of Haiti.
The spirit of resistance exemplified by the Cimarrones lives on in Palenque: “We are daughters of Cimarron strength”.
The relative isolation enjoyed by the town in the years since allowed the inhabitants to maintain many of the traditions that had crossed the ocean with their ancestors. These traditions are central to the identity of the town and its inhabitants and as such form the centrals pillars of their annual festival. Visitors to the festival can attend and participate in workshops across the weekend including ones focused on the Palenquero language, traditional dances, braided hairstyles, local gastronomy and ancestral medicines, among others. Singer and activist Viviano Torres sees all of these as central to the identity of Palenque and views the town and its festival as representing “…the preservation, the conservation of our Afro identity”. Each and every cultural tradition encountered during the festival is imbued with the complex and rich identity which defines the town and its people.
The Palenquero creole language is one of the 69 recognized languages in Colombia, in addition to Spanish, and it is a fusion of Spanish with African Bantu languages. It is estimated that there were once more than 70 African languages spoken in Cartagena (BBC, 2016) at the height of the slave trade which brought these representatives of so many ethnic groups and nations across the ocean in the harshest manner imaginable. These languages may have faded into the past in Colombia, but their legacy lives on in the traces found within the Palenquero language. The language runs through all the events which take place during the weekend and is visible in the many murals which decorate the town and its houses. Political activist Kairen Gutierrez emphasized the importance of the festival as a way of perpetuating and strenghtening the many cultural expressions of Palenque, and pointed out that the Palenquera language was the most important way to maintain their cultural identity. The 1991 constitution declared Colombia to be a pluralistic nation, seeking to redress the damage caused to the nation’s many ethnic communities with the push for a homogenous national identity dating back to the 1886 constitution and beyond, including the establishment of Spanish as the sole officially recognized language. Article 10 of the 1991 constitution stipulated Spanish as being the official language of the nation but enshrined the official status of other ethnic group’s languages and dialects within their territories (Derechos del Territorio). One result of this plurilinguistic approach has been the spread of ethno-education schools and institutions across the many diverse communities found in the country. San Basilio de Palenque is of course not the exception in this case and there are such ethno-education schools in the town and within Palenque communities in Cartagena and Barranquilla. As Kairen pointed out, the festival and its celebration of the language among other cultural expressions is a vital tool in guaranteeing the cultural identity of Palenque.
“Ancestral identity and culture united in the rhythm of peace”
As mentioned above, each component of the festival is infused with significance in terms of its relation to the identity of the first free town in the Americas. The braiding of hair is of course synonymous with Afro identity, yet the workshops offered to visitors elaborate on the profound significance incorporated into individual designs, such as how in the time of the establishment of the settlement at Palenque, braided hairstyles were used as a way to share clandestine maps needed to escape slavery. As Iveth Herrera, part of the Palenquera community in Barranquilla and founder of the Kasimba cultural centre, revealed: “When I began to learn how to make braids, I learned the history of braids, (how they were) maps to freedom, and a history of rebellion”.
Maestro Rafael Cassiani Cassiani (RIP). Photo courtesy of El Beat.
Palenque’s rich cultural history and identity saw the town and its cultural representations, including its music and dance, in addition to its social, medicinal and spiritual practices, added to the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2005 (Unesco, 2005). One manner through which these traditions are maintained from generation to generation is the Kuagro, a form of social organization based on family networks across shared age groups. Kuagros are the cornerstone of community life in Palenque, and membership of a one entails a lifelong commitment (including participation in funeral processes) to a shared sense of responsibility and solidarity. Researcher and filmmaker Carolina del Mar Fernandez worked on making the acclaimed film El Beat, alongside director Irene Lema, which traces both the history and enduring cultural wealth of the town. Part of the film includes extensive footage and conversation with maestro Rafael Cassiani, the deceased former leader of the emblematic Sexteto Tabala. Carolina witnessed first-hand the dedication of maestro Cassiani in passing on this rich cultural legacy from generation to generation: “Cassiani understood the importance of the younger generations learning their music, and about their music, (as a way for them) to understand where they came from…(he) would always talk of the Kuagros, of the importance of the Kuagros, traditionally and to this day. When he died, his Kuagro was there to bid him farewell”.
Filmmaker Carolina del Mar Fernandez and Kombilesa Mi frontman and activist Afroneto celebrate the prizes won by “El Beat” at the Quibdo film festival. Photo courtesy of El Beat.
One of the most representative ambassadors of Palenque identity and culture throughout Colombia and internationally in recent years has been the group Kombilesa Mi (My Friends in Palenquero), whose rap-folklorico has seen them bring their language and culture to newer, younger and more diverse audiences. Steeped in the history and cultural identity of their town, the group’s members were involved in activities throughout the weekend, offering workshops on traditional drumming and dances, participating in demonstrations of the language and other customs, or merely receiving visitors to their home and cultural centre near the town’s main square. Despite their huge success in recent years, they never got to present their unique take on hip-hop on the main stage. However, as the Saturday night wore on, and the older members of the community took some needed rest, these youthful ambassadors of a proud Palenquero culture were central to the alborada, a procession of drumming and dancing throughout the streets of the town on the cusp of dawn. Watching the exuberance of the procession move through the town, with the flag of Palenque being waved proudly at its forefront, it was not difficult to interpret that the future of the town and its unique culture was in safe hands. And that maestro Cassiani could indeed rest easy.
Palenque’s younger generations show that the town’s unique cultural identity is in safe hands as they lead the “alborada”, a procession through the town on the cusp of dawn.
Polé – Power
/ˈpaʊə/
The capacity or ability to direct or influence the behaviour of others or the course of events.
“a political process that offers people power over their own lives”
The festival of drums and cultural expressions in San Basilio de Palenque is a riotous mix of music, identity and culture. But it is also a demonstration of pride in the resistance that is at the very core of the town and its inhabitants. This sense of pride, etched into the identity of Palenque, stretches all the way back to the founding of the town in the 17th century. Palenque is a statement of resistance against two of the great evils of human history: colonialism and slavery. This sense of resistance can also be found in the very fact that the town, and its unique identity and culture, has endured, despite the numerous challenges it has faced.
The emblematic statue of Benkos Biohó by the main square of Palenque.
As researcher and collector Sidney Reyes Reyes commented, it’s a town that has resisted “…all the battles since the colonial period, and above all maintained its honor and objective of liberty”. This pride is evident in the manner in which the community speaks of their language, their culture and the impact the community has had on Colombia. Palenque is of course known for being the first free town in the Americas, yet this is not the only first; one of the very first Colombian actors to appear in an international production was the Palenquero Evaristo Márquez, who starred alongside Marlon Brando in the historical drama Burn, and the first Colombian to hold a world title in boxing was the Palenquero welterweight Kid Pambele. Despite the pride in these achievements, Palenque and its inhabitants have faced marginalization, discrimination and racial prejudice. Viviano Torres recalls his early musical recordings being looked down upon outside of the Palenquero community due to where the music came from.
The flag of Palenque on a mural in San Basilio de Palenque (photograph from 2018).
Political representative Kairen Gutierrez vividly recalls the racial abuse she was exposed to as a child in Cartagena, and cites these experiences as being formative in terms of her later activism, having been told by her mother that she would face these attitudes all her life and that she should always hold her head high as a Palenquera. Kairen would go on to become an active member of Procesos de Comunidades Negras (PCN), a nationwide organization focused on strengthening links between, and empowering, Afro-Colombian communities throughout the country. The PCN is organized around a set of regional palenques (located mainly throughout the Pacific and Atlantic coastal regions) which work with a national coordinating committee and with technical teams at a national and regional level, with today’s palenques serving as “…spaces for discussion, decision making, and policy orientation” (Escobar, 2008, p.224). Kairen cites the importance of an organization like PCN in fostering greater connections between Colombia’s dispersed communities of African origin and in promoting events and festivals like the one in San Basilio de Palenque, which she refers to as a “cultural strengthening of the roots”. Resilience has been an absolute must for communities in many of the regions where the PCN is most active given the hardships, historically and ongoing, caused by the conflicts which plague much of rural Colombia.
Political representative Kairen Gutierrez represents the interests of Palenque and other Afro-Colombian communities through her involvement in Procesos de Comunidades Negras and in the political sphere. Photo courtesy of Kairen Gutierrez.
In addition to the marginalization and racism experienced by the community, San Basilio de Palenque, like so many other towns and communities throughout Colombia, also had to deal with the internal armed conflict and the horrendous acts of violence which have been a feature of it. The surrounding Montes de María sub-region is an area of huge attraction due to its fertile soils and strategic location in terms of transport routes and proximity to marine ports. These factors meant that it was highly sought after by guerrilla groups and right-wing paramilitaries during the most intense years of the armed conflict. The result of this dangerous cocktail was a brutal wave of violence wrought on rural communities in the region. According to the National Centre of Historical Memory (2019), between 1985 and 2017, there were over 3,000 selective murders and 117 massacres in the region. The year 2000 was a particularly gruesome year with the El Salado massacre (on the outskirts of Carmen de Bolívar) seeing 60 unarmed and innocent civilians brutally murdered by 450 AUC paramilitaries (El Espectador, 2023). Similar massacres were perpetrated against Afro-Colombian communities at Maria la Baja and San Juan Nepomuceno in the same year. The geography of the region, like so many others in the Colombian countryside, is tinged with painful memories of loss. Travelling to Palenque from Barranquilla, the road runs past the Canal del Dique, which links the port at Cartagena to the Magdalena River. According to Colombia’s transitional justice system (JEP), there are an estimated 9,000 bodies in the depths of the canal (El Heraldo, 2022), perhaps accounting for just a fraction of the estimated 121,768 who were forcibly disappeared between 1985 and 2016 throughout Colombia (Comisión de Verdad, 2022).
While the community at San Basilio de Palenque was of course impacted by this terrible wave of violence, it did not suffer on the scale as some of the surrounding communities did during the worst years of the violence, a fact that filmmaker Carolina del Mar Fernandez suggests is attributable to the level of social organization and cohesion found within the town and its inhabitants. While the worst of the conflict is hopefully a thing of the past in the region, the communities of the region are still threatened by the presence of illegal armed groups. In 2021, Palenquero cultural leader and lawyer Fredman Herazo Padilla was shot dead while visiting Afro-Colombian communities elsewhere in the Caribbean region. Fredman’s case is just one among the over 1,500 cases of activists, social leaders and human rights defenders murdered in the country since the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC, 105 of whom were dedicated representatives of Afro-Colombian communities (Indepaz). For those intent on controlling territory and land, the collective land rights Afro-Colombian communities are entitled to through the 1991 constitution are seen as something to be resisted at all costs.
Message on a mural paying tribute to cultural representative Fredman Herazo Padilla, murdered in 2021: “Fredman lives!”
Despite all the challenges that exist in terms of achieving the fulfillment of their rights, and the historic and current dangers faced by Afro-Colombian communities throughout the country due to armed conflict and presence of numerous illegal armed groups, Afro-Colombian communities continue to defend themselves and assert their voice across all levels of society and the state. The long and lasting legacy of resistance which exemplifies San Basilio de Palenque is seen as a reference point for Afro-Colombian communities throughout Colombian territory. The tenacious spirit of Benkos Biohó and the Cimarrones who claimed their freedom and fiercely defended it is still visible today in the shape of the Cimarron Guard, an unarmed community defense organization which maintains harmony in the community in addition to instilling and promoting the key cultural values of Palenque. The Cimarron Guard are a visible presence throughout the weekend of the festival, and they comply with many of responsibilities which the National Police have throughout other parts of the country. They are a visible representation of the autonomy ethnic communities such as San Basilio de Palenque are entitled to in the Colombian context. The model of the guard has been an inspiration to other Afro-Colombian communities with similar initiatives spreading to departments such as Cauca and Chocó. This sense of solidarity across dispersed communities is another clear theme over the weekend of the festival. On the stage, traditional dance and music from Palenque and the Caribbean region is complemented by performances from visiting artists from the Pacific coast of Colombia.
Cha Dorina Hernandez is a former ethno-educator who became the first Palenquera woman to be elected to the Colombian congress. Photo courtesy of El País.
Whilst culture is clearly front and centre across the days of the festival, political representation is also evident. On the Saturday of the festival, the first Palenquera woman to be elected to the Colombian congress, Cha Dorina Hernandez, hosted a meeting with representatives of Afro-Colombian communities from different regions of the country in her family home close to the main square. With the sounds of the festival booming out in the background, the topic of discussion was concerned with establishing shared perspectives and positions ahead of talks related to the National Development Plan. In Palenque, it seems impossible to discern culture from politics. When discussing the youthful energy brought to Palenque culture by the folkloric rap group Kombilesa Mi, filmmaker Carolina del Mar Fernandez pointed out that frontman Afroneto has been a part of the town council for the past four years. Amidst the revelry as the festival came to a conclusion on the Sunday night, the link between culture and politics was to the forefront as Cha Dorina and other figures of note took to the main stage to announce that Palenque would soon be awarded a special municipal status. Political representative Kairen Gutierrez would later elaborate that the significance of this lay in the fact that it would allow the town to enjoy greater autonomy and to generate “…the development that we want”.
Kairen Gutierrez with Colombian vice-president Francía Marquez. Photo courtesy of Kairen Gutierrez.
Reflecting on the festival and all its display of culture, identity, pride and politics, it was hard not to be moved by the fact that Colombia itself was in a period of profound change. The festival came just two months after the first progressive government was elected in the country, with Francía Marquez becoming the first Afro-Colombian to hold the office of vice-president. Kairen Gutierrez has known the vice-president since their days working together via Procesos de Comunidades Negras, and she was certain of the significance of this juncture in history: “…(this moment shows), with Dorina in the congress, and Francia as vice-president, that we can hold other offices, like a mayor, or a councilor, in all of the spaces where decisions and discussions occur”. Six months later, in May of 2023, Francia Marquez led a diplomatic mission to South Africa, Ethiopia and Kenya in an effort to build closer political, economic, educational and cultural links between Colombia and their counterparts in Africa. It was a visit which made huge sense given the potential for South-South collaboration and the demographic, social and cultural connections between the countries. Among the representatives who travelled with the vice-president were Cha Dorina Hernandez and Kombilesa Mi frontman Afroneto, proud representatives of San Basilio de Palenque, the first free town of the Americas, and the pulsing heart of Africa in Colombia.
Article written by Conor Keogh
Additional audiovisual support from Angie Galofre, Catalina Barraza & Natalia Cueto.
La Libertad Sublime 