Narciso Beleño: A Legacy of Resistance and Justice for the Rural Communities of Bolívar.

Originally published Dec 13, 2024.

Narciso Beleño was a renowned rural leader who fought for the rights of communities in the south of Bolívar

Article written by Shadia Arango, Maria Isabel Mariano & Josue Urueta

The situation of social leaders in Colombia is critical, as they face significant risks and violence while advocating for their communities. Orbegozo (2021) implies that social leaders are typically understood as local activists representing various civil organizations, such as community councils or action boards. They also include human rights and environmental activists who mobilize communities, implement policies, and demand state services in their territories. Their role is crucial in initiating and sustaining collective action within their communities. Some data sources, such as Reliefweb (2024), mention that, in 2023, 168 social leaders and human rights defenders were killed, and there were 1,732 recorded attacks against them from 2022 to March 2024. According to Human Rights Watch (2024), there have been over 1,700 social leaders murdered in Colombia since the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC guerrilla group. The violence is particularly acute in rural regions, areas that have long suffered from an absence of true state presence. This situation is repeated across nearly all 32 departments in Colombia.

One such example is the department of Bolívar, where the presence of armed groups has meant a long legacy of violence associated with the armed conflict and has led to an alarming increase in displacement. In 2023, 145,049 individuals were displaced nationwide, with Bolívar experiencing a 94% increase compared to the previous year (International Committee of the Red Cross, 2024). As stated by Indepaz (2024), in Colombia, the departments with the highest number of social leader murders are Cauca (27 deaths) and Valle del Cauca (17 deaths), with Cauca consistently reported as the most dangerous region for social activism. Bolívar ranks third in this grim tally, where 8 social leaders have been murdered during the same period. This alarming trend highlights the ongoing violence and risks faced by those advocating for human rights and social justice in these regions, particularly in areas heavily influenced by armed groups and criminal organizations, reflecting the persistent threats to human rights defenders in Colombia’s most volatile territories. This text will explore this dynamic by focusing on the admiral work and tragic murder of one such leader.

The challenges faced by social leaders in Colombia are exemplified by Narciso Beleño, a leader born in San Martín de Loba, in the rural heart of Bolívar. Beleño grew up working as a farmer and muleteer, confronting the hardships that rural communities endure from an early age. His awareness of the injustices and neglect suffered by his community drove him to action in the 1990s, when he organized and founded Agromisbol, later known as ‘Federación Agrominera del Sur de Bolívar’ (Fedeagrobismol). According to the National Center for Historical Memory (2024), Fedeagrobismol is now one of the oldest and most significant organizations in the Magdalena Medio region, with over twenty years of advocacy for peasant rights. Fedeagrobismol, composed mainly of peasants and artisanal miners, operates across nine municipalities in southern Bolívar, from Cantagallo to Tiquisio. It is structured into four subregions, or zonal teams, to enhance its territorial reach and advocacy efforts. This structure enables Fedeagrobismol to represent and support local communities in defending their rights against threats from large-scale mining and armed groups. Over the years, the organization has emerged as a powerful symbol of resistance and a space for regional and national dialogue, participating in events like the Congress of Peoples and establishing the Southern Bolívar Interlocution Commission, a critical platform for dialogue between peasant communities and the national government.

The historical context of Bolívar is marked by conflict and violence stemming from armed groups vying for territorial control. Narciso Beleño was deeply involved in processes that advocated for agrarian reform and defended peasant rights against these threats. Under his leadership, Fedeagrobismol became a stronghold against large-scale mining operations that threatened both the environment and local communities. Beleño’s public denunciations against illegal mining practices and the extortion imposed by armed groups reflect his commitment to social justice. Fedeagrobismol’s areas of focus reflect Narciso Beleño’s vision for the fundamental rights of his community: the defense of land and territory, the right to a dignified life, the preservation of historical memory, human rights, and environmental respect against extractive practices. It is pertinent to highlight that this vision aligns closely with several Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 16 on promoting peace, justice, and strong institutions; SDG 1 on ending poverty; SDG 5 on achieving gender equality; SDG 11 on fostering inclusivity; and SDG 13 on combating climate change. Social leaders like Beleño play a crucial role in advocating for these goals within their communities by promoting human rights while also pushing for sustainable practices that protect their environment. They represent fundamental pillars of cohesion and commitment at the local, regional, and national levels.

In recent years, under Beleño’s leadership as president, Fedeagrobismol has become a stronghold of resistance against large-scale mining, particularly gold extraction, which threatens to devastate both the environment and the social fabric of southern Bolívar. It is important to distinguish between the types of resource exploitation that exist in the department of Bolívar—such as artisanal, ancestral, and informal mining—in order to understand the role that communities play. Artisanal mining, in particular, is a small-scale activity based on traditional, manual practices, in which local communities extract resources in a limited manner and without heavy machinery, thus reducing its environmental impact and supporting the livelihoods of these populations. This practice is quite different from large-scale mining, which is typically controlled by large companies and involves the use of heavy machinery, toxic chemicals, and invasive techniques to extract substantial amounts of minerals. Unlike artisanal mining, large-scale mining has a significant environmental impact, leading to issues such as river pollution, deforestation, and the displacement of communities, profoundly disrupting the ecological and social balance of the region. There is also the issue of illegal mining, which differs from large-scale mining in its lack of formal approval and in terms of scale. However, this practice also causes a huge amount of environmental damage as it employs similar approaches to the practice of extraction in terms of its use of heavy machinery and chemicals such as mercury in its process. While mining represents a clear threat to the environment, residents in the region also face danger due to armed actors.

Resource exploitation is not the only issue in the region; there is also the presence of armed groups like the Gulf Clan/AGC, dissidents of the demobilized FARC, and the ELN, which are currently vying for territorial control. These illegal organizations seek to dominate this strategically located and resource-rich area, which connects the Caribbean, Antioquia, and eastern Colombia. Understanding the implications of this conflict, Narciso Beleño publicly denounced the abuses and extortion faced by communities at the hands of these groups. They not only profit from illegal mining but also impose extortion fees on local miners. According to Vorágine, the ELN and dissidents demand 5% of the extracted gold, while the Gulf Clan/AGC imposes a fee of 15%. Additionally, these groups promote mining in areas that Fedeagrobismol has designated as natural reserves, where mining is prohibited due to its significant ecological and cultural value. Understanding the implications of this conflict, Narciso Beleño publicly denounced the abuses and extortion faced by communities at the hands of these groups. They not only profit from illegal mining but also impose extortion fees on local miners. According to Vorágine, the ELN and dissidents demand 5% of the extracted gold, while the Gulf Clan/AGC imposes a fee of 15%. Additionally, these groups promote mining in areas that Fedeagrobismol has designated as natural reserves, where mining is prohibited due to its significant ecological and cultural value.

In raising his voice against injustice, Narciso Beleño became the target of death threats. Tragically, these threats culminated in his assassination on the night of April 21st, 2024, when he was entering his home in Santa Rosa del Sur. An assailant shot him multiple times, resulting in his death. After the assassination of Narciso, the Colombian Attorney General’s Office launched an extensive investigation to identify and prosecute those responsible. This investigation led to the identification of José Alejandro Castro Cadavid as the person behind the crime. Castro Cadavid, a former military officer with ties to the Gulf Clan/AGC, allegedly ordered the murder in retaliation for Beleño’s activism against illegal mining in the region. In October 2024, four alleged members of the Gulf Clan were charged with aggravated homicide, illegal possession of firearms, and conspiracy to commit a crime in connection with Beleño’s murder. The individuals identified were Nicolás Giraldo Quintero, alias Cartago; Juan Carlos Castaño Cardona, alias Calvo or Paisa; Nelson Fernando Gutiérrez Arismendi, alias Malito or Matón; and Yenifer Barragán Correa. One of the accused, alias “Malito” or “Matón,” pleaded guilty to the charges. The remaining three are awaiting trial. The legal process regarding Beleño’s murder is ongoing, and authorities continue to investigate the extent of the Gulf Clan’s involvement in the crime (RCN, 2024).

The case of Narciso Beleño highlights several critical points that warrant a profound reflection on the importance of social leaders in social transformation and the challenges they face in Colombia. First, it is essential to address the responsibility of the state. The tragic death of Narciso represents a failure of human rights due to inaction, as public authorities and their agents neglected their responsibility to intervene in situations requiring such attention. This lack of action resulted in insufficient protection measures for at-risk human rights defenders such as Narciso, who need responses tailored to their specific contexts. Furthermore, it is vital to implement policies that ensure the cessation of attacks against these defenders, allowing them to continue their work without fear of reprisals. This is not only a moral imperative but also aligns with Colombia’s international obligations regarding human rights, emphasizing the need for a genuine commitment from the state to protect those who tirelessly advocate for justice and the respect of everyone’s rights.

Despite figures like Narciso Beleño emerging as powerful symbols of resistance and advocacy within their communities, their presence alone is insufficient to galvanize widespread action or recognition among Colombians at large. While cases involving social leaders often gain media attention -drawing public outrage- this awareness rarely translates into sustained engagement or significant policy changes at higher levels. Many Colombians remain disconnected from these struggles due to several factors such as urban-rural divides or political apathy toward rural issues. Following the murder of Narciso Beleño, a wave of condemnations swept across Colombia. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights representative in Colombia (2024) swiftly condemned the assassination through social media, acknowledging Beleño’s crucial work in defending human rights in San Lucas and called for urgent protection measures for social leaders, highlighting the critical need for greater awareness and action to ensure their safety. As such, it becomes crucial not only to honor leaders like Beleño but also to foster broader societal involvement that transcends individual cases if meaningful progress toward justice and equity is to be achieved.

Narciso Beleño left behind a hugely important legacy and the communities he defended will not forget what he represented. His legacy will hopefully serve as inspiration for new leaders and organizations in the region that will maintain the memory of Beleño for many years to come. His commitment to social justice and environmental protection has ignited a spark among younger generations, encouraging them to continue advocating for their rights and the preservation of their land. The solidarity shown during his funeral and the subsequent gatherings reflect a collective determination to honor his memory by standing against the injustices that plague their communities. This sense of unity is crucial as it fosters resilience among the people of southern Bolívar, inspiring them to organize and mobilize against threats from armed groups and exploitative practices. As new leaders emerge, they carry forward Narciso’s vision of a peaceful and equitable society, demonstrating that his legacy transcends his life. If agrarian reform and sustainable development that benefit communities and protect the environment are truly desired at a governmental level, the work of leaders like Narciso and those who continue his struggle needs to be celebrated and their safety guaranteed.

References

Front Line Defenders. (2024). Killing of human rights defender Narciso Beleño. https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/killing-human-rights-defender-narciso-beleno

Human Rights Watch. (2024). World report 2024: Colombia chapter. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/colombia

Indepaz. (2024). Líderes sociales, defensores de DD. HH y firmantes de acuerdo asesinados en 2024.https://indepaz.org.co/lideres-sociales-defensores-de-dd-hh-y-firmantes-de-acuerdo-asesinados-en-2024/

International Committee of the Red Cross. (2024). The human cost of armed conflicts in Colombia. https://www.icrc.org/en/document/human-cost-armed-conflicts-Colombia

La Vóragine. (2024). Las pruebas contra un coronel (r) del ejército que habría ordenado el asesinato del líder Narciso Beleño. https://voragine.co/historias/investigacion/las-pruebas-contra-un-coronel-r-del-ejercito-que-habria-ordenado-el-asesinato-del-lider-narciso-beleno/

ONU Derechos Humanos Colombia [@ONUHumanRights]. (2024, April 22). Condenamos el asesinato del líder social Narciso Beleño, presidente de la Federación Agrominera del Sur de Bolívar, ocurrido ayer en Santa Rosa del Sur [Tweet]. X. https://x.com/ONUHumanRights/status/1782436331567665230

RCN Radio. (2024). Fiscalía imputó a cuatro presuntos responsables del asesinato del líder social Narciso Beleño. RCN Radio. https://www.rcnradio.com/judicial/fiscalia-imputo-a-cuatro-presuntos-responsables-del-asesinato-del-lider-social-narciso-beleno

ReliefWeb. (2024). Situation of human rights defenders, social leaders, and communities in Colombia. Oidhaco. https://reliefweb.int/report/colombia/situation-human-rights-defenders-social-leaders-and-communities-colombia-september-2024

Centro de Memoria Histórica. (n.d.). Iniciativas y acciones. https://accioneseiniciativas.centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co

Orbegozo, G. (2021). Consequences of violence against social leaders in Colombia. Documentos CEDE 19320, Universidad de los Andes, Facultad de Economía, CEDE. https://ideas.repec.org/p/col/000089/019320.html

Democracy in danger: The threats faced by social leaders in urban and rural contexts.

Originally published on Dec 9, 2024.

Leaders such as Billy Salgado, Narciso Beleño & Jorge Navarro face a range of dangers in both urban and rural contexts in the department of Bolívar

Article written by María Cecilia Avila, Maria Gabriela Otero & Narly Vega

Violence against social leaders in Colombia has made the country one of the most dangerous in the world to exercise this kind of leadership. In Colombia, this violence has reached alarming levels, seriously affecting the associative structures and social cohesion of these communities. This phenomenon not only threatens the lives of those who are dedicated to protecting human rights and promoting social welfare but also creates a climate of fear and uncertainty that destabilizes social dynamics. The continuing threat of violence against these leaders undermines confidence among community members, hampers collective organization and limits citizen participation in democratic processes necessary for social and economic development. This violence occurs in various contexts throughout the country, but this text will explore this phenomenon by looking primarily at the department of Bolívar, and its capital Cartagena. Here, the struggle for social justice is vital, and this situation creates a cycle of mistrust and disorganization that undermines progress towards a more just and cohesive society.

To begin, it is important to mention that a social leader often serves as an advocate for their community or group, inspiring and motivating others to work towards a shared vision (Panchal, 2024). In Colombia, these leaders face a context of systematic violence, with as many as 1,715 murders reported since 2016 throughout the country (Indepaz), reflecting a deep crisis affecting those fighting for social causes. The reasons behind these crimes are diverse: from territorial disputes over natural resources to attempts to silence critical voices advocating for social change across a range of issues. Furthermore, leaders often face the threat of insecurity which is sadly far too prevalent across many contexts in Colombia. In isolated rural areas, the situation is aggravated by the presence of illegal armed groups who see social leaders as a threat to their interests. However, urban centers such as Cartagena also have factors of risk generated by the presence of gangs and criminal organizations which impact this issue. This problem not only affects the individuals directly involved, but also impacts their communities, weakening the social fabric and perpetuating cycles of violence and impunity in a country that is still struggling to consolidate peace after decades of armed conflict.

The situation of social leaders in Colombia is alarming due to the systematic violence they face. Thus far in 2024 alone (this article is being written in November 2024), 148 social leaders have been reported murdered (Indepaz). During this period, 7 of these murders occurred in the department of Bolivar, meaning it has been the most affected department in the Caribbean region throughout the year. Since 2016, there have been 46 social leaders murdered in Bolivar, making it the second most impacted department in the region, behind Córdoba with 72 cases (La Libertad Sublime). Of the cases to have occurred in 2024, there were two in the departmental capital of Cartagena. This violence profoundly impacts the community, especially in vulnerable neighborhoods. The assassination of leaders like Billy Salgado and Jorge Navarro, who were instrumental in improving living conditions in their neighborhoods, creates fear and distrust, weakening social cohesion. Billy Salgado, a 22-year-old sports coordinator for the La Candelaria neighborhood, used sports to keep children and teenagers away from drugs and crime. He was tragically killed during a robbery attempt. Jorge Navarro, a 52-year-old member of the Commission of Coexistence and Conciliation in Nuevo Bosque, was known for his work in education and health programs. His murder has left his community in shock and fear. Both Billy and Jorge were members of the Junta de Acción Comunal (JAC: communal action board in English) in their respective neighborhoods. JACs are essential for community organization and communication with authorities, playing a vital role in addressing local issues and promoting community development. The context of violence in Cartagena is severe; according to El Universal, in 2023, Cartagena reported a homicide rate of 25.2 per 100,000 inhabitants, illustrating the insecurity affecting the population, including social leaders.

In the department of Bolívar, the context of violence against social leaders varies significantly between urban and rural areas. In rural Bolívar, particularly in the southern regions, the presence of illegal armed groups and narcotrafficking significantly heightens the risks for social leaders. These areas are often characterized by limited state presence and scarce resources, making community leaders more vulnerable to threats and violence. For example, Narciso Beleño, a community leader in Santa Rosa del Sur, was targeted and killed due to his efforts to promote the rights of local farmers and small-scale miners and his denouncements of paramilitary actions in the area. Similarly, Luis Alfredo Leones Alvarez had faced threats and violence for his work in environmental protection and community rights via his work as an educator and community leader. Luis Alfredo was found murdered in his home in April 2024, with subsequent investigations citing robbery as the motive. The dynamics in rural areas differ from those in urban centers like Cartagena, where the violence is more closely associated with organized crime, socio-economic disparities and a general sense of insecurity experienced in many sectors of the city. These rural dynamics highlight the complex challenges that social leaders face across different contexts within Bolívar, necessitating tailored approaches to protection and support.

Furthermore, the impunity and lack of effective protection for social leaders erodes community trust in governmental and judicial institutions. This results in less collaboration with authorities and greater distrust towards the state. Social leaders are fundamental in both rural and urban contexts for fostering community and ensuring grassroots involvement across a range of issues. For instance, a leader like Narciso is imperative for agrarian reform, sustainable development, and the construction of peace. Similarly, urban leaders like Billy are essential for leading projects that provide opportunities for urban youth, helping to keep them away from negative cycles such as crime and drugs. Violence against social leaders not only affects the direct victims and their families but also has deep and lasting repercussions on the cohesion and development of vulnerable communities. Addressing this issue is crucial to strengthening the social fabric and promoting a safe and collaborative environment in Cartagena, Bolivar, and across the country.

Successive Colombian governments have failed to protect social leaders. One of the main problems is the lack of effective implementation of protection measures. Despite the creation of specialized units and plans, there have been significant delays and inefficiencies in their implementation. For example, the “Save Cartagena Together” initiative sought to modernize the district’s institutional framework, but faced repeated rejections by the city council, which hindered progress. In addition, there has been criticism of insufficient resource allocation and the lack of a comprehensive strategy to address the root causes of violence against social leaders. The lack of protection for rural leaders is particularly concerning. Current responses often fail to address the unique challenges faced in rural areas. Leaders like Narciso Beleño, who work in regions with minimal state presence, remain highly vulnerable. The difficulty in offering effective protection is compounded by the state’s lack of control over these areas, particularly in the south of Bolívar, where illegal armed groups exert significant influence. Another critical failure is the inadequate judicial response. The Prosecutor General’s Office has been criticized for failing to effectively investigate and prosecute crimes against social leaders. Many cases remain unsolved, and the impunity rate is high, which emboldens perpetrators. In addition, there are reports of corruption and collusion between local authorities and criminal groups, which undermine efforts to protect social leaders. This lack of accountability and transparency has eroded trust in government institutions and has left many social leaders exposed to constant threats and violence. Organizations such as the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) have highlighted the pervasive impunity in Colombia, noting that only a small number of perpetrators are held accountable, which fuels inequality and undermines trust in political institutions

One of the fundamental reasons for the deaths of social leaders in Colombia is the great absence of the state in many areas of the country, and the stigma that the leaders are part of leftist insurgencies also makes them a military target for illegal armed groups. The UN, through the office of the high commissioner for human rights, calls on the state and says that it is urgent to be present in the territories most affected by violence against social leaders. Juliette Rivero, delegate of this commission in our country, believes that the proximity of the members of the Ombudsman’s Office with the civilian population is one way to get closer to the communities. It is also recommended that the international community, together with the national government, consider the early warnings of the Ombudsman’s Office to try to avoid possible acts of violence in some specific sectors of the country. Another recommendation we can make is a security and prevention strategy on the part of the government, since the problem goes beyond that, and we must attack the root of the problem to identify causes that lead to the assassination of social leaders. At the urban level, community policing could be implemented through the implementation of community policing strategies in which officers engage with residents to gain their trust and learn more about threats specific to different neighborhoods. Another recommendation would be to strengthen local human rights offices by training local human rights offices to actively monitor threats and provide immediate support to social leaders. Financial support for local initiatives would also be a great option to allocate resources to support local initiatives that protect social leaders and promote human rights. In addition to this, society must listen more to social leaders and value their work for the communities and their great courage in order to protect their rights.

In Colombia, violence against social leaders has reached alarming levels that have damaged social construction and impeded the advancement of these communities. This phenomenon has a negative effect not only on the people who directly suffer the attacks but also on other members of society. The systematic targeting of social leaders, largely due to territorial conflicts and the repression of dissent, leads to a culture of fear and distrust that undermines social integration and obstructs collective action. Furthermore, it is also evident that the high rates of crime and insecurity present in urban centers such as Cartagena means that many local leaders are tasked with carrying out their responsibilities in a context of implicit risk. Violence continues to prolong cycles of poverty, instability and impunity, impeding the consolidation of peace and development in the country’s vulnerable neighborhoods. The absence of the State and the presence of illegal armed groups worsen the situation, making it difficult to protect the rights of social leaders and their communities.

References

Alcaldía de Cartagena. (2024, 18 de julio). Alcaldía de Cartagena, comprometida con la protección de líderes sociales de la zona urbana y rural. https://www.cartagena.gov.co/noticias/alcaldia-cartagena-comprometida-proteccion-lideres-sociales-zona-urbana-rural

Alcaldía de Cartagena. (2022, 18 de diciembre). 100 líderes y lideresas en situación de pobreza extrema de Cartagena se graduaron como defensores de justicia comunitaria. https://www.cartagena.gov.co/noticias/100-lideres-lideresas-situacion-pobreza-extrema-cartagena-graduaron-como-defensores-justicia-comunitaria-1865

Balaguera, Z. (2024, abril 22). 51 líderes sociales asesinados en Colombia en 2024: 2 son de Cartagena. El Universal. https://www.eluniversal.com.co/sucesos/2024/04/22/51-lideres-sociales-asesinados-en-colombia-en-2024-2-son-de-cartagena/

Colprensa. (2021, 10 febrero). ¿Qué puede hacer Colombia para enfrentar la violencia contra los líderes? Diario la República. https://www.larepublica.co/especiales/lideres-sociales-en-colombia/que-puede-hacer-colombia-para-enfrentar-la-violencia-contra-los-lideres-3123675

El Universal. (2023). Cartagena reportó una tasa de homicidios de 25.2 por cada 100,000 habitantes. Recuperado de https://www.eluniversal.com.co/sucesos/2024/04/22/51-lideres-sociales-asesinados-en-colombia-en-2024-2-son-de-cartagena/.

El Consejo Nacional de Política Económica y Social (CONPES). (2021). Aprobado CONPES para proteger y promover la labor de los líderes sociales. Recuperado de https://2022.dnp.gov.co/Paginas/CONPES-para-proteger-y-promover-la-labor-de-los-lideres-sociales.aspx

Panchal, R. (2024, marzo 5). Social leadership: A guide to success in a connected world. Theleaderboy.com– Leadership Advice For Smart Leaders. https://theleaderboy.com/what-is-social-leadership/

Sánchez-Garzoli, G. (2022, noviembre 21). Social leaders and ethnic communities hard hit by Colombia’s violence. WOLA; Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA). https://www.wola.org/2022/11/social-leaders-ethnic-communities-hard-hit-colombia-violence/

Educators under fire – Violence against teachers in Colombia.

Originally published on Dec 4, 2024 and updated on Jan 16, 2025.

Teachers have faced a long history of violence in Colombia. Guillermo Otero is one of 5 teachers murdered in the Caribbean region during 2024

Article written by Maria Carolina Beltran, Sarah Figueroa & Sara Ortega

The work of teachers is among the most important professions in society; they are responsible for educating thousands of children, adolescents, and adults in both academic and personal spheres. The Colombian Ministry of Education defines a teacher as those who teach in both urban and rural schools. In Colombia, teachers in rural areas face unique challenges that go beyond their academic role, especially when they work in regions affected by the country’s internal conflicts, where state presence is minimal or nonexistent, placing their lives at risk. Throughout history, educators in Colombia have been victims of paramilitary, guerrilla, and state violence. According to Valencia and Celis (2012), “The Colombian Federation of Educators (Fecode) is the trade union organization that records the highest number of homicides against its members and the highest number of violations of life, physical integrity, and freedom.” This situation occurs throughout the country, and teachers in cities are not exempt. According to Fecode statistics, the most dangerous departments for educators are Nariño, Cauca, Atlántico, Cesar, Huila, Bogotá D.C, Tolima, La Guajira, Caquetá, and Putumayo. Such a situation should provoke serious questions; Why are our teachers being killed? What is happening to teachers in Colombia? The answers to these questions are not simple nor all-encompassing. The reasons behind the murders of educators in Colombia are multiple. These individuals face risks due to the locations where they work, their union memberships, their roles as social leaders, and their political involvement. This text will explore these factors and look at some specific cases of violence against teachers in the Caribbean region.

Firstly, many rural areas where teachers work are plagued by drug trafficking, mafias, criminal gangs, and other actors who pose a threat. Without significant state presence, these other actors often assume control. Many teachers also take on community leadership roles, fostering social cohesion and serving as a bridge between the state or local government and the local population, acting as representatives of the state, which may make them targets. Teachers’ activism and union participation often stem from their fight for the rights of their students and the communities where they live or work. Former president of the Colombian Federation of Educators (Fecode), Carlos Rivas, told El Tiempo in 2018, “It is a symptomatic fact that in Colombia, words kill. Teachers do not only give classes and create knowledge; they also build democracy. We don’t understand why we are being killed when all we do is support students and communities.” Carlos Medina, director of the Political Science Department at the Universidad Nacional, also affirmed that a culture of criminality has developed in Colombia against teachers who hold any prominence in a community.

Continuing with this idea, rural teachers may also hold a political and social position; their work ranges from education to building peace and supporting democracy in these areas. Alexander Monroy, a professor at the Universidad Nacional Abierta y a Distancia (UNAD), expressed that “teachers are leaders with the capacity to build a political agenda and generate citizen action within the community.” The significance of teachers in Colombian politics is undeniable and substantial; they participate in elections and represent a large percentage of Colombia’s public sector. The Nuevo Arco Iris Corporation (2012) commented that, for the 2005 parliamentary elections, the teaching sector elected five senators, three of whom were former Fecode presidents. Teachers’ political activity represents a threat to the interests of insurgent groups and on occasion to certain local elites, as it jeopardizes their hegemony and power.

Colombian history is marked by a persistent climate of conflict, danger, and repression, especially for social movements, unions, and indigenous and Afro-descendant communities. According to the Latin American Campaign for the Right to Education (2020), Fecode, its leadership and the more than 350,000 teachers that are part of it, have been repeatedly attacked by extreme right-wing actors and political parties that represent the establishment. This hostile environment extends its threats and targeted killings to social leaders, former FARC members, human rights advocates, and other opponents of the political establishment. Fecode teachers get the short end of the stick since they tend to be stigmatized for their resistance to right-wing policies by being associated with elements of the extreme far left. This association has been used to delegitimize their work with the associated stigmatization frequently having fatal consequences. This situation continues to generate international concern, and multiple human rights organizations have spoken out against the political violence affecting Colombia’s educational sector, while many continue to hope and seek a solution.

Amid the ongoing crisis of teacher murders in Colombia, trade unions in Britain and Ireland have expressed strong support for trade union rights in the country, voicing deep concern over the attacks on educators from the Federación Colombiana de Educadores (Fecode). These attacks have escalated since Fecode’s teachers’ endorsement of President Gustavo Petro during his 2022 election campaign, which was driven by the hope of improving conditions for public education workers and their students. In response, European federations have called for an end to the hostile campaign against teachers and the trade union and demanded protection for their legal right to defend democracy. Unions worldwide have reaffirmed their solidarity with Fecode and the broader Colombian trade union movement, emphasizing the need to safeguard union members and ensure fair working conditions for all.

Unfortunately, teachers’ lives continue to be in danger. As of November 2024, several cases of violence against teachers have been reported in the Caribbean region, including the murders of unionized teachers like Eliecer Guevara in Valledupar, Luis Alfredo Leones in San Jacinto, Hader Escobar in Maicao, and Armando Rivero in Sampués. Although the motives behind these crimes may vary, their collective impact exposes the severe violence affecting the country and highlights the vulnerability of areas where the State’s presence is limited or absent. These murders not only pose a threat to those defending labor rights but also to communities that see these leaders as a voice of support and representation amid a context of neglect and conflict.

One of these cases which highlights the complexity of the situation is the murder of Guillermo De Jesús Otero Martínez, a teacher in an ethno-education school (schools which teach students from a perspective aligned with the beliefs and practices of indigenous or other minority ethnic groups in Colombia) in Fundación, Magdalena. His murder, allegedly linked to extortion rackets run by illegal actors in the local context, was carried out on March 11th , 2024. Genaro Gutiérrez, president of Edumag (Magdalena Teachers’ Union), stressed that, after the terrible event, the teaching profession has been facing a severe security crisis. The lack of support and constant intimidation have instilled fear in teachers, who are apprehensive about attending schools. After meetings with Edumag’s board, authorities have been asked to provide assurances so that educators can perform their duties without fear, to which the General Attorney of the Nation has issued a warning to the Magdalena Governor’s Office and municipal authorities, underscoring the security risk faced by public school teachers. In its statement, the General Attorney of the Nation cited recent incidents, such as one on March 1st (2024) at Rosa Cortina Educational Institution in the municipality of Plato, where armed men entered the school and threatened the principal and teachers in front of students, alleging that the educators did not reside in the local community and provided inadequate services. This incident indicates how Magdalena, like far too many other areas, is a targeted region where armed groups have sown fear. However, the lack of state intervention is evident, as there is not even an investigation into which groups are committing these acts.

To address this issue of violence against teachers in rural areas, the Colombian government has implemented some protection mechanisms through the National Protection Unit (UNP), expanding its coverage to include social leaders and, in some cases, teachers at risk. However, this measure has been insufficient, as murders and threats against educators have not ceased. In rural areas, the situation is even more precarious due to the lack of communication tools and technological devices that would allow teachers to report threats in a timely manner, as well as the distance from government offices to their territories. Limited connectivity, scarce resources and insufficient transport infrastructure in these regions hinder the activation of protection mechanisms, leaving teachers even more vulnerable and unprotected against violence from armed groups and other conflict actors. This, again, reflects how little the government is doing to stop the increasing violence.

The threats faced by educators across Colombia highlight the severity of the crisis the country is currently enduring, exposing a deep-rooted issue that the government has yet to adequately address. This lack of intervention has left educators, particularly in rural areas, trapped in a relentless cycle of danger due to their roles as community advocates and symbols of state presence in underserved regions. Teachers like Guillermo Otero, among many others, became targets precisely because of their commitment to their communities. These educators are not merely victims; their loss sends shockwaves through their students, their communities, and ultimately, the nation as a whole. It is crucial to raise awareness of this urgent situation, not only to protect the well-being of these educators but also to demand decisive government action to safeguard those who stand on the front lines of progress. The time has come for Colombia to prioritize the safety of its teachers, recognizing them not just as instructors, but as essential agents of change and pillars of resilience within their communities. Protecting educators like Guillermo Otero is not simply about saving individual lives; it is about preserving the social fabric and the future of the entire country.

References

(2013). ¿Por qué se asesina a los maestros en Colombia? Corporación Nuevo Arcoiris. https://www.arcoiris.com.co/2013/02/por-que-se-asesina-a-los-maestros-en-colombia/

Bustos, J. (2024, may 8). Alerta por asesinatos de profesores pertenecientes a sindicatos. Infobae. https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2024/05/08/alerta-por-asesinatos-de-profesores-pertenecientes-a-sindicatos/

Clade. (2020, diciembre 17). Joint Press Release against stigmatization campaign to the Colombian Federation of Educators of Colombia -FECODE-. Pressenza. https://www.pressenza.com/2020/12/joint-press-release-againts-stigmatization-campaign-to-the-colombian-feedration-of-educators-of-colombia-fecode/

CNMH. (2020) Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. Maestros víctimas del conflicto. Recuperado de https://centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/tag/maestros-victimas-del-conflicto/

Ministerio de Educación Nacional República de Colombia. Profesión docente. https://www.mineducacion.gov.co/1621/article-80190.html

Nick. (2024, febrero 20). British and Irish education unions express support for democracy and trade union rights in Colombia. Justice for Colombia. https://justiceforcolombia.org/news/british-and-irish-education-unions-express-support-for-democracy-and-trade-union-rights-in-colombia/

Peñaloza, V. (2024). Extorsión a docentes en Magdalena: qué dicen las autoridades. Radio Nacional de Colombia. https://www.radionacional.co/noticias-colombia/extorsion-docentes-en-magdalena-que-dicen-las-autoridades

Rojas, J. (2018). El Tiempo. Cada 12 días asesinan a un profesor en Colombia. https://www.eltiempo.com/vida/educacion/cada-12-dias-asesinan-a-un-profesor-en-colombia-260198

Social Leaders under threat in Colombia – The cases of Eliecer Guevara and Deivis Junco.

Originally published on Dec 3, 2024.

School teacher Eliecer Guevara and peace counselor Deivis Junco were both murdered in 2024

Article written by Gabriela Arrazola, Maria Jose Bossio, Valentina Perez & Gabriela Vargas

In Colombia, the figures for attacks, threats, and violence directed at social leaders and human rights defenders are alarming. In 2023, 181 deaths were recorded, of which 160 were men and 21 were women (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2023). Generally coming from rural areas, these leaders dedicate themselves to raising their voices and defending crucial issues such as territory, equality, and justice. However, their courageous work places them in a position of risk. According to the Universidad de los Andes (n.d.), some of the reasons for these crimes include their opposition to the interests of illegal armed groups, combined with changes brought about by programs agreed as part of the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC-EP, such as the substitution of illicit crops, which have generated imbalances in territorial control, thus exposing leaders to threats aimed at silencing their commitment to the community. As a result, they are forced to live in a state of vulnerability. Furthermore, social leaders may also be exposed to threats due to other factors in society, such as a climate of insecurity in towns and cities or other acts of intolerance based on prejudices in society. One sector of the population that has historically faced marginalization and violence in the country is the LGBTQ+ community. Social leaders who are part of, or who represent, this community may face challenges and threats due to the intersectionality of their identities. This situation is often exacerbated by questionable media coverage in relation to cases of violence against leaders, where superficial or superfluous information is favored over a deeper analysis of cases when they occur. The murders of social leaders in Colombia represent a serious issue that must be addressed to mitigate violence and the lack of cohesion in the country. The issue of intersectionality and media coverage also needs to be better analyzed, so that the roots of these problems can be targeted. This text will explore these issues by focusing on the tragic assassinations of Eliecer Guevara Rojas and Deivis Junco Hernández, which reflect this crisis and the urgency of protecting those who defend the rights of their communities.

The first case to look at is that of Eliecer Gevara Rojas. Eliecer was recognized as a social leader for his invaluable role as social sciences teacher at the ‘Institution Educativa La Esperanza’ in Valledupar, and for his efforts to advocate for the rights of teachers and students as a member of the Cesar Teachers Association (ADUCESAR). He was born in 1969 in Manaure, Cesar, and he had dedicated his entire life to community development until his death. Tragically, he became the 24th leader (at the time) to be assassinated in 2024. On February 25th, he was killed under uncertain circumstances in his own home in the La Floresta neighborhood of Valledupar (INDEPAZ, 2024). According to El Universal, the professor was found gagged and naked inside his bedroom. However, there were no signs of physical violence, so it is presumed that the cause of his death was mechanical asphyxiation. Furthermore, on February 26th, the Police Department of Cesar notified to the community regarding the capture of a young man accused of having killed Eliecer, with the alleged reason being a robbery. It has been argued that the perpetrators used his trust and sexuality to gain access to his house. FECODE (the union of Colombian school teachers) issued a statement to support the Cesar Teachers Association (ADUCESAR) for this ruthless crime committed against the teacher. There was also widespread condemnation in Valledupar for the inhumane way in which the teacher’s life was ended, and Eliecer is remembered by his students as a person of integrity, dedicated to sharing his knowledge and always supporting his students and the community. In this context, it’s important to mention, as Martha Alfonso, vice president of FECODE, argues, that teachers have been subjected to ongoing persecution (El Tiempo, 2020). Sadly, it is not only teachers who face risks in society.

On the other hand, there is the case of Deivis Enrique Junco Hernández, who was dedicated to peacebuilding, and worked tirelessly as the Counselor for Peace, Reconciliation, and Conciliation. In addition to his role as a public official in the Lorica Government Secretariat, where he supported the Citizen Income Program, he was also a valued member of the LGBTQ+ community (Caribe Afirmativo, 2024). His commitment and presence made a meaningful impact on those he served and worked with. Deivis, who was 43 years old, disappeared on March 5th. He was later found dead in the Las Estancias area of Lorica, Córdoba. The Cordoberxia Foundation (2024) issued a statement indicating that Junco’s body was found with signs of violence and that the peace counselor had been murdered. The death of Deivis Junco shocked the community and raised alarms about the growing violence against social leaders and activists in Colombia, especially in regions such as Córdoba, where the activity of illegal armed groups and social conflict continue to be an ongoing threat. Local and international organizations have pointed out the lack of security guarantees for leaders who, like Junco, seek to promote peace and defend human rights. These cases represent the sacrifice of those seeking to build a more inclusive and just country, and their loss is a reminder of the risks faced daily by peace activists and human rights defenders in the country.

While Eliecer and Deivis worked in different areas, both were recognized as social leaders due to the nature of their professional responsibilities. Furthermore, it seems that the sexuality of both victims was a factor in the way both were cruelly targeted. The situation of the LGBTQ+ community in Colombia also reflects a panorama of vulnerability and risk, marked by violence and discrimination. According to the statistics from 2022, gay men are the most affected, with 2,444 reported cases of aggression against the LGBTQ+ community. They are followed by lesbian women, with 1,207 victims. Trans individuals have also been severely impacted, recording 515 cases. Bisexual men reported 478 victims, while bisexual women totaled 440. Other identities report a total of 318 victimisations and, finally, there are 89 cases of unidentified identities. (Caribe Afirmativo, 2023). This community suffered immensely during the years of armed conflict in Colombia, as armed groups controlled territories and imposed patriarchal norms, leading to stigmatization, persecution, and sexual violence against LGBTIQ+ individuals. (Comisión de la Verdad, n.d). The numbers previously stated indicate the level of intolerance that still exists in the country towards this community. Furthermore, violence has been concentrated among activist members of the community; with social leaders working in defense of the LGBTQ+ community such as Deivis Junco being one such example. This demonstrates that these incidents are not merely isolated acts of hatred; rather, they reveal deeply rooted patterns of discrimination and prejudice, where victims are systematically chosen based on their sexual orientation or gender identity (Fundación Paz y Reconciliación, 2023). This reflects a call to action to end and combat these behaviors that show the hostility and discrimination present in the territory.

The risks faced by the LGBTQ+ community are exacerbated by the way the media covers these crimes. Media bias often presents itself via a focus on sensational parts of a story to grab the public’s attention. As UNAB University (2020) explains, sensationalism in the media is a technique or style that presents and interprets reality in a way that aims to create an impression, emotion, and reaction in the audience. And this trend can be seen in Colombia, where media reports often emphasize details like a social leader’s sexual orientation or the tragic way they died, instead of their contributions to the community. For example, in the case of Eliecer Guevara—a social sciences teacher and leader—headlines highlighted that he was found gagged and naked in his home, while there was little mention of his years of work as a teacher and union member who fought for students’ rights. Similarly, in covering Deivis Junco’s death, the media focused on the brutality of his murder and his identity as part of the LGBTQ+ community but barely mentioned his important role as a peace counselor and his work with the Citizen Income Program in Lorica. This approach shifts the story from their sacrifices and achievements to sensational details, unintentionally making them seem less human. Additionally, both Eliecer and Deivis faced not only the risks inherent in their roles as social leaders but also the added dangers associated with being LGBTQ+ men in Colombia, where this community often endures higher levels of violence and discrimination.

When a crime against a social leader is reported in this way, it obscures the bigger picture of the systematic threats and violence these leaders face, overlooking the larger issues that put them at risk. For instance, although Eliecer’s death was reported as a robbery, the media often fail to explore how crimes against figures like Eliecer are often linked to the threats and harassment that social leaders, especially those from vulnerable groups, regularly experience. By focusing on individual details rather than the shared threats these leaders face, media coverage reduces the public’s understanding of the complexity and seriousness of these situations. This kind of reporting risks misrepresenting the legacy of social leaders like Eliecer and Deivis and takes attention away from critical issues like territorial control, human rights work, and the opposition faced by leaders from marginalized communities.

In conclusion, it is crucial to raise awareness and share the stories of social leaders like Eliecer Guevara and Deivis Junco, whose courageous work and identities put them at particular risk. Their murders leave a deep void in their communities, where they worked tirelessly as advocates for peace, education, and human rights. To honor their legacy, it is essential to push for concrete political actions that strengthen the protection of social leaders in Colombia, such as public policies and programs that safeguard not only their lives but also the well-being of their families in dangerous regions. In addition, authorities have a responsibility to ensure that protective measures for social leaders are not only designed but implemented effectively. This includes creating specialized protection programs that account for the unique risks faced by leaders, teachers, and LGBTQ+ individuals, and ensuring that resources are allocated to provide adequate security and support. Additionally, strengthening the judicial response to crimes against social leaders and ensuring thorough investigations and justice in these cases are critical steps to prevent further violence and impunity. Moreover, the media has a significant role to play in accurately portraying the lives and sacrifices of these leaders. Sensationalized reporting overlooks the broader struggles faced by teachers, social leaders, and members of the LGBTQ+ community, while more responsible coverage can shed light on the systemic issues these individuals combat daily. By emphasizing the contributions of figures like Eliecer and Deivis, the media can help to foster understanding, reduce prejudice, and generate societal change. Such efforts are vital for creating a safer and more inclusive environment, where those who choose to raise their voices are protected, respected, and celebrated.

References

Caribe Afirmativo. (2023). No se mata lo que no se olvida: Informe sobre la situación de los derechos humanos de personas LGBTIQ+ en Colombia 2022.

Caribe Afirmativo. (2024, March 8). Hallan sin vida a Deivy Junco, consejero de paz en Lorica. https://caribeafirmativo.lgbt/hallan-sin-vida-a-deivy-junco-consejero-de-paz-en-lorica/

Comisión de la Verdad. (n.d.). Afectaciones a la población indígena LGBTIQ+. https://www.comisiondelaverdad.co/afectaciones-la-poblacion-indigena-lgbtiq

Defensoría del Pueblo. (2023). Durante el 2023 en Colombia fueron asesinados 181 líderes sociales y defensores de derechos humanos. https://www.defensoria.gov.co/-/durante-el-2023-en-colombia-fueron-asesinados-181-l%C3%ADderes-sociales-y-defensores-de-derechos-humanos

El Tiempo. (2020, September 9). Fecode responderá judicialmente a acusación de vínculos con las Farc. https://www.eltiempo.com/vida/educacion/fecode-respondera-judicialmente-a-acusacion-de-vinculos-con-las-farc-535990

Fundación Cordobexian (2024) #URGENTE Asesinan al Consejero de Paz: DEIBY JUNCO HERNADEZ en Lorica – Córdoba. [X] https://x.com/cordoberxia/status/1765712299304600045

Fundación Paz y Reconciliación. (2023). Boletín: violencia contra la población LGTBIQ en Colombia. https://www.pares.com.co/post/bolet%C3%ADn-violencia-contra-la-poblaci%C3%B3n-lgtbiq-en-colombia

Guevara C. (2020). La defensa de los líderes sociales está en cuidados intensivos. Razón pública. https://razonpublica.com/la-defensa-los-lideres-sociales-esta-cuidados-intensivos/

Universidad de los Andes. (n.d.). ¿Qué se sabe de los asesinatos de líderes sociales? https://www.uniandes.edu.co/es/noticias/economia-y-negocios/que-se-sabe-de-los-asesinatos-de-lideres-sociales

Universidad UNAB. (2020). El sensacionalismo informativo como fenómeno noticioso asociado a los medios de comunicación contemporáneos. https://unab.edu.co/el-sensacionalismo-informativo-como-fenomeno-noticioso-asociado-a-los-medios-de-comunicacion-contemporaneos/

Breaking the mould – the need to recognize and value the work of female indigenous leaders.

Originally published on Nov 21, 2024

Female indigenous leaders such as Aida Quilcué, Daniela Soto Pito, and Mercedes Tunubalá are assuming more prominence and instigating change in indigenous, regional and national contexts.

Article written by Sophia Martínez Kleebauer & Daniela Guerrero for Feminun

In recent years, discussions surrounding indigenous communities have gained importance, driven by increased access to information about their realities. Issues such as the significance of their rights and their influence on social matters, particularly highlighting the role of indigenous women, have increasingly placed them in the spotlight. In this article, we will explore and recognize their work, analyzing their impact in Colombia and establishing a clear connection between these women, their struggles, and the concept of intersectionality.

First, it is crucial to know that Colombia is home to over 102 indigenous peoples, and the reserves they inhabit, covering approximately 46% of the country’s natural forest, play a vital role in protecting resources such as water and agricultural land, according to WWF Colombia (2024). However, despite their importance, these communities face serious challenges such as forced displacement, deforestation, and land degradation in their territories, alongside the stigmatization present, which predominantly affects women. This is why many indigenous women become leaders, because they find themselves in the need of raising their voices to make a difference in their community. They are activists committed to defending human rights and preserving their territories, traditions, and culture.

Being a female indigenous leader requires resilience, as resisting the ongoing extermination of indigenous peoples and, simultaneously, confronting gender-based violence has made their leadership the most victimized among women in Colombia (La paz en el terreno, 2024). This context aligns closely with intersectional feminism, which acknowledges how multiple identities-such as being a woman, being indigenous, and being a human rights defender, for example, intersect to create unique forms of discrimination and oppression. According to UN Women (2020), this term was introduced in 1989 in Kimberlé Crenshaw’s article, “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex.” In it, Crenshaw critiques bourgeois classical feminism by highlighting how African American women experience inequality differently from other groups. This suggests that social, historical, racial, and gender structures shape the forms of inequality and issues each group of women faces, including indigenous women.

Furthermore, understanding the oppression of gender and the historical injustice of colonialism is key to grasping these struggles. For this reason, intersectionality also encompasses the fight for decolonization, a crucial element in the recognition of indigenous rights. Aida Quilcué, a prominent politician and indigenous leader from the Nasa people, stated to the Truth Commission: “In the face of the deepening war, history shows us that we have resisted to survive over time and space. (…) For indigenous peoples, it is essential to know the truth, but a truth that decolonizes that discriminatory and racist perspective.”

Indigenous female leaders not only challenge patriarchy but also ethnic and colonial oppression, combining their resistance with the defense of their culture, land, and gender, embodying the core of intersectional feminism by highlighting these intertwined realities. Given the numerous obstacles, including exclusion from power due to gender inequality and discrimination, their activism is often minimized through mockery, sexual harassment, and criminalization. Nevertheless, many have managed to gain recognition in public spaces.

One notable example is Mercedes Tunubalá, often known as “Mamá Mercedes,” who is an economist from the Universidad del Valle and the first indigenous woman to become mayor of Silvia, Cauca. Her campaign promoted the women of her community by highlighting their traditions, such as the use of medicinal plants and wool weaving. However, further measures are needed to ensure their protection, as the Observatorio para la Defensa de la Vida (Odevida is the Spanish acronym for the Observatory for the Defense of Life) reports that between 2019 and March 7, 2023, a total of 104 female leaders were assassinated in Colombia. These numbers reflect a disturbing reality in the country, marked by violence, discrimination, and the violation of indigenous women’s fundamental rights. These issues stem largely from perceptions of these women as threats and the lack of recognition for their work and identity, both within their communities and across various social contexts.

Another example of a leader whose work deserves more recognition is Daniela Soto Pito. She is a young female indigenous leader from the Nasa community, who came to prominence on a national scale when she was shot in Cali by a civilian during El Paro (general strike) of 2021. Daniela was there as part of the unarmed Indigenous Guard who had arrived to Cali to express their solidarity with strikers in that city and display their dissatisfaction at the failure of the Colombian government to comply with programs agreed within the 2016 peace deal and the general deterioration of the security situation in departments such as Cauca as a result. The violent reaction encountered by the Indigenous Guard highlights the problems of stigmatization that are still present among certain sectors of Colombian society. As a member of the Women’s Program of the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC), Daniela emphasizes that she has deepened her understanding of violence, both internal (within her community) and external (perpetrated by the state, institutions, and armed groups), because recognizing the existence and causes of these forms of violence is key to addressing them effectively.

It is vital to raise awareness about the challenges faced by indigenous women leaders. Indigenous female leaders, who fight for equal rights, play a vital role in defending their cultures and building peace, particularly in areas affected by the armed conflict; the connection between their struggles and intersectional feminism is clear, as both movements seek social and political change that benefits historically marginalized communities. These women not only embody the resilience of their peoples but also represent the fight for a more just and equitable society.

References

Arias Suárez, V., Mayorga, C., & Gómez, J. (2020). Lideresas indígenas: Resistir para defender la vida. La paz en el terreno. https://lapazenelterreno.com/especiales/defender-la-vida/lideresas-indigenas.html

Observatorio para la Defensa de la Vida. (2023). Resistir en la adversidad: Balance de violencia contra mujeres lideresas en Colombia. https://www.pares.com.co/post/resistir-en-la-adversidad-balance-de-violencia-contra-mujeres-lideresas-en-colombia

UN Women. (2020). Explainer: Intersectional feminism—what it means and why it matters. https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2020/6/explainer-intersectional-feminism-what-it-means-and-why-it-matters

WWF Colombia. (2024). El aporte de los pueblos indígenas al país es invaluable. https://www.wwf.org.co/?364960/El-aporte-de-los-pueblos-indigenas-al-pais-es-invaluable

Silencing Voices – An Analysis of the Murder of Social Leaders in Córdoba and their Socio-Political Implications.

Originally published on Aug 27, 2024.

José Gregorio Naranjo and William Alvarez Dominguez; two more victims of the violence faced by social leaders and human rights defenders in Córdoba.

Article written by Juliana Duran, Maria Camila Marchena & Maria Alejandra Silva

In Córdoba, the aspirations of progress for the department’s communities are being hindered through the killing of their social leaders. Historically Córdoba has been a region wounded by violence. Since the last century, different armed groups have occupied the territory and disputed the control of it, leaving the population of this department in the middle of the crossfire. Given Cordoba’s strategic location through its wide opening to the sea by way of the Río Sinú, and the connection of the Caribbean region with the central regions of the country, this department of Colombia has been the focus of many criminal organizations such as the paramilitary groups who took over the peripheral areas of this land for agro-industrial extraction and their strong ranching industry model (Cinep, 2017), while guerrilla groups such as the FARC had a long-held presence in the south of the department. Despite the demobilization processes involving both paramilitaries and guerrillas (2004-2006 and 2016 respectively), the sense of security felt by communities in the department continues to be fragile. Many social leaders in Córdoba have dedicated their time and efforts for the protection of their communities. In Yisel Carabalí’s words (a writer, singer and social leader from Cauca), being a social leader means to “defend our territory even with their own life” (Comisión de la Verdad, 2019). Unfortunately, far too many social leaders have to sacrifice their lives in their pursuit of progress. Córdoba is the department with the highest number of leaders and human rights defenders assassinated in the Caribbean region. This article will explore this worrying dynamic by looking at two recent cases of murdered social leaders in the department.

José Gregorio Naranjo and William Alberto Álvarez Domínguez were two of the more recent cases of the 71 (as of May 2024) murdered social leaders in Córdoba since 2016. Like others before them, their actions for pursuing social and economic progress in their societies made them targets and ended up costing them their lives. José Gregorio Naranjo worked representing the interests of Carrizal leading the JAC (Junta de Acción Comunal), which are community action boards that represent the communities in every corner of Colombia. His work was mainly focused on actions related with infrastructure works, access to education, public health and potable water (Barrios, F. 2024). As for William Alberto, he worked as a lawyer and public servant of the Ombudsman’s Office, emphasizing human rights issues by being a defender of those in the most vulnerable communities in southern Córdoba (Cuello, O. 2023). Equally important, they were both brutally murdered. José Gregorio was shot dead in his own house by two subjects who arrived on a motorbike. William Alberto was brutally and fatally injured with a knife while he was conducting an humanitarian mission by helping to move a family which had been threatened by the armed group Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia, or AGC. In both these cases one can find in common the actions in which the social leaders were working: representing their communities and working in defense of their territories. Sadly, both operated in a region under threat from criminal organizations.

Concentrating on the department of Córdoba, the main reasons that unite social leaders and for which they are killed and persecuted are because of their leadership in the defence of the rights of vulnerable communities. While not necessarily factors in the cases of Jose or William, issues such as crop substitution and land restitution are critical in the department. Many leaders fight to bring their communities away from the growing of illegal crops or to return land to communities displaced by the violence of the land. For this reason, they promote greater citizen participation so that they become actively involved in peace-building processes and so that their rights are guaranteed, indirectly “threatening” the objectives of illegal groups in these territories and limiting their actions. As mentioned previously, since 2016, 71 social leaders have been murdered in Córdoba. This accounts for 30% of social leader murders in the Caribbean region during that period. This date (2016) puts us in the context of the peace agreements, where, according to the leaders themselves, there has been a failure to comply with the agreement that has generated a high level of risk factors for these communities. The “La paz en el terreno” project developed an exercise in which it identified that the aggressions against social leaders are by and large related to the implementation of the Agreement and the disputes between illegal groups in the region. Another reason why social leaders in Córdoba are killed is because of the dispute between illegal armed groups that have produced more than 100 aggressions to social leaders among them men and women (including LGBTI representatives) through discriminatory actions, threats and aggressions.

Social leadership in the department of Córdoba has evidently becomes a high-risk activity. At the time of writing (April 2024) three leaders have been assassinated in 2024 and another 234 face death threats and intimidation. The motivations for taking on this role are not related to money or status, but to the desire to ensure development for vulnerable communities. However, the historical lack of attention from incumbent political leaders has perpetuated violence against activists and social leaders. Despite the gravity of the situation, the solutions implemented by the Colombian government have been insufficient to protect social leaders in Córdoba. Although specialized groups from the Police and the Technical Investigation Corps (CTI) have been designated to investigate the crimes and capture those responsible, the alarming number of murders remains a worrying reality. The 71 cases that have happened in Córdoba are but a fraction of the more than 1,600 cases that taken place throughout Colombia (Indepaz, as of May 2024). In addition, the lack of effective measures to prevent these attacks and guarantee the safety of leaders has generated a climate of impunity and vulnerability. It is also important to mention the paramilitary groups in the Córdoba zone and how these use corruption to kill social leaders and continue their hold on power. A notable reference regarding the links between illegal groups and local politicians in Córdoba, is the report published by Human Rights Watch titled “Colombia: ‘The War Just Never Ends’: Paramilitary-Linked Groups, Guerrillas, and State Violence in Colombia’s Displaced Communities.” This report extensively documents the connections between paramilitary groups, guerrillas, and state actors, including local politicians, in various regions of Colombia, including Córdoba. It highlights the collusion between illegal armed groups and politicians, as well as the impact of this collusion on human rights and the rule of law. This report provides valuable insights into the complex dynamics of violence and corruption in Colombia, particularly in regions like Córdoba. Among the 71 murdered social leaders in Córdoba since 2016, the cases of Maria del Pilar Hurtado (2019) and Rafael Moreno (2023) stand out for the apparent collusion between local political figures and armed actors. Given the government’s efforts, the effectiveness of the measures taken in the department of Córdoba to prevent the murders of social leaders remains questionable. The international community and human rights organizations must continue to press for more forceful and effective actions to protect those who fight for the wellbeing of their communities. The Colombian State and the department of Córdoba have faced significant challenges in the implementation of environmental plans and social justice programs. Despite efforts, some of these projects have failed to fully materialize due to various reasons. For example, programs aimed at protecting natural areas, reducing deforestation and promoting clean energy have faced logistical and financial obstacles. In addition, efforts to improve social equity, such as land reform and land redistribution, have been affected by political interests and conflicts of interest. Furthermore, it is of course troublesome that social leaders, who are so central to such programs, continue to be targeted over their efforts. Despite these challenges, it is crucial that the state and local authorities continue to work collaboratively to overcome barriers and move towards a more sustainable and just future.

In conclusion, the department of Córdoba in Colombia faces a profound struggle as social leaders, the very voices striving for progress and justice, are systematically targeted and killed. Historically plagued by violence and control by various armed groups, the region’s strategic significance has made it a focal point for criminal organizations seeking to exploit its resources and territory. Despite the tireless efforts of many social leaders like José Gregorio Naranjo and William Alberto Álvarez Domínguez, who dedicated their lives to advocating for their communities, their aspirations were met with brutal violence. These leaders worked tirelessly for infrastructure development, education, healthcare, and human rights protection, yet they became victims of ruthless attacks. The underlying reasons for their persecution often stem from their defence of vulnerable communities, land restitution, and their role in peace-building processes, which directly challenge the interests of illegal groups and on occasion the economic interests of local elites. The failure to effectively protect these leaders not only perpetuates violence but also undermines the very foundations of democracy and justice. The Colombian government’s efforts, while commendable, have thus far fallen short in providing adequate protection and preventing further bloodshed. As international pressure mounts, there is a pressing need for more robust measures to safeguard social leaders and ensure the realization of sustainable and equitable development in Córdoba and across Colombia. Only through concerted efforts and unwavering commitment can the region hope to overcome its challenges and forge a brighter future for all its inhabitants.

References drawn from:

https://web.comisiondelaverdad.co/actualidad/noticias/comision-de-la-verdad-lideres-sociales-que-es

https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/otras-ciudades/cordoba-asesinato-del-lider-social-jose-gregorio-naranjo-isaza-846646

https://www.elheraldo.co/cordoba/los-hechos-que-rodearon-la-muerte-del-funcionario-de-la-defensoria-en-cordoba-1028161ç

https://www.larepublica.co/especiales/lideres-sociales-en-colombia/que-puede-hacer-colombia-para-enfrentar-la-violencia-contra-los-lideres-3123675

https://www.minambiente.gov.co/planeacion-y-seguimiento/politicas-publicas-ambientales

Click to access INFORME-DE-SEGUIMIENTO-A-POLITICAS-PUBLICAS-AMBIENTALES-2023-I-VF-1.pdf

¿Quiénes amenazan y asesinan a los líderes sociales en el sur de Córdoba? | EL ESPECTADOR

The Violence which Stalks Leaders in Córdoba.

Originally published on Aug 12, 2024.

Mary Emilse Bailarín, Edwin Tapia and Luis Mendoza are among the more than 70 local leaders who have been murdered in Córdoba since November 2016.

Article written by Diana Charris, Nicole Quijano & Gabriela Saavedra

The armed conflict has affected many regions of Colombia, leaving a huge number of issues that continue to impact Colombian society to this day due to general bad management. One of these regions has been the department of Córdoba, where there are situations of vulnerability that affect its inhabitants. Currently, the department has high numbers of selective homicides, selective displacements, and forced disappearances as a result of violence by various illegal armed groups in these areas. According to Silvia Corredor Rodríguez et al, between 2016-2020, there have been at least 111 attacks, including murders and threats, against men and women who have supported the substitution of crops for illicit use, the implementation of the Peace Agreement (established with the FARC guerrillas in 2016) and processes of social organization. Figures typically involved in activism and in these types of movements are often referred to as social leaders in Colombia. Since the 2016 agreement, over 1,600 such social leaders have been murdered in Colombia according to Indepaz. Córdoba, with 71 social leaders murdered during this period, has the highest rate of leaders murdered in the departments in the Caribbean region. Despite the collective efforts of social groups, non-governmental organizations, and others, these situations require greater state intervention. The region’s development plans, and the constant presence of the State will be fundamental to minimizing and/or eradicating the violent situations that face social leaders in Córdoba. This text will explore this worrying trend in the department by looking at three recent cases of social leaders who have been murdered in the department.

On May 9th, 2024, the body of Mary Emilse Bailarín Domico was discovered in a rural area of Tierralta, in the south of Córdoba. Mary Emilse was 22 years old and pertained to the Embera Katio indigenous group, and indigenous community of Alto Sinú, which has suffered greatly due to the threat of violence and forced displacement. She was recognized as a cultural leader within her community and made a living from selling crafts. It is unclear at the time of writing whether her murder had anything to do with her status as an indigenous leader, or whether it was a feminicide. What is clear is that indigenous communities in Córdoba have a long history of violence and oppression. The Zenú people, one of the largest indigenous groups in the region, have suffered greatly from the armed conflict, forced displacement, and violence against their leaders (Truth Commission, 2023). In 2023, indigenous leaders in Córdoba warned about severe threats to their lives (JEP, 2023). The case of Kimy Pernía, an indigenous leader from Córdoba who disappeared in 2001, exemplifies the risks historically faced by those defending indigenous rights in the region (El Espectador, 2021). Other similar recent cases in the department include the killings of indigenous leaders such as Oscar Domicó, as reported by La Libertad Sublime in 2022, while the tragic deaths of Benito Castillo, Mary Petro, and Albert Mendoza demonstrate the dangers faced by indigenous representatives in Córdoba and elsewhere in the Caribbean region. These violent acts not only terrorize the communities but also hinder their access to basic necessities such as education, healthcare, and clean water. These cases of violence against social leaders highlight a concerning lack of tools and actions by authorities in the department to address the ongoing crisis. The repeated loss of life and the impunity surrounding these crimes underscore an urgent need for concrete and effective measures to protect those who advocate for the rights of communities and the environment. By acknowledging and addressing the specific threats faced by indigenous communities, the government can begin to address the root causes of violence and discrimination in these marginalized communities.

The murder of leaders like the ones mentioned above are not isolated incidents but rather part of an alarming pattern of violence against social leaders in Colombia. This situation not only affects indigenous leaders but also extends to those advocating for environmental protection. Like indigenous leaders, environmental defenders have also faced threats and violence. This connection underscores the tragic reality faced by those striving to improve the living conditions of their communities and protect the environment, often encountering significant risks in the process. Environmental defenders in this region fight to protect biodiversity, natural resources and local communities, but are often confronted by other actors seeking to exploit the land without restrictions. As violence against leaders escalates, so does the urgency to protect these brave activists and ensure their right to advocate for the planet without fear. In Colombia, especially in the department of Córdoba, being an environmental leader has become a high-risk job due to the high rates of violence in these territories. According to the Global Witness report, in the year 2022, Colombia turned out to be the deadliest country in the world with 60 deaths of environmental leaders, which represented more than a third of all murders worldwide and evidenced the increase of homicides involving land and environmental defenders compared to the year 2021. As violence against leaders escalates, so does the urgency to protect these brave activists and ensure their right to advocate for the planet without fear of reprisal or even death. One recent example of the violence faced by environmental defenders in the department of Córdoba is the case of Luis Mendoza, who was a social and environmental leader of the Mojana and San Jorge and was killed by a hired assassin on November 25th, 2023 (Pineda 2023). These facts only evidence that violence in Cordoba has been an instrument to silence the voices of those who fight for local communities and the environment. This may be due, according to Mansilla (2022), to the great natural wealth of the department such as natural parks, lagoons, landscapes, peri-urban areas and even natural monuments that make the province of Córdoba an extraordinarily valuable territory for the countless species of flora and fauna that are scattered throughout the territory. Given the various episodes of violence against environmental leaders who only seek to protect this great natural wealth, there is a great need for state intervention in the preservation of natural resources and the lives of environmental leaders, as stated by the BBC (2023).

When looking at the department of Cordoba, it is noticeable that there is a clear problem regarding the issue that is land restitution. This issue is deeply rooted in the violence and struggles stemming from internal conflict lived in Colombia. A vivid example of this is the case of Edwin Tapia. Edwin was a social leader and advocate for land rights in Colombia. He bravely championed his father’s land claim, driven by a deep sense of justice and a commitment to reclaiming what was rightfully theirs. His family was one of the many victims of displacement by armed groups that sought control over territories, and this gave him the courage to become an advocate for land rights and restitution. However, despite his efforts to reclaim their lands, Edwin and the community of Tierralta faced constant threats and suffered from the intimidation of these armed groups that controlled their territories. Edwin Tapia was wrongfully murdered by armed men while riding his motorcycle in Palmira village, Aguas Vivas. When farmers found him, he had been shot in the head. His death shows that there is a pattern of violence and murder against indigenous leaders, environmental defenders and human right advocates in Cordoba. Activists like Edwin are systematically targeted for working with their communities and daring to challenge powerful interests. Edwin’s story is a testimony to the ongoing fight for land rights and how much is at stake when seeking restitution in Colombia. However, to provide a deeper understanding, it is crucial to understand Edwin’s story within the broader landscape of land restitution and displacement in Cordoba. According to Human Rights Watch (2013), “Over the past 30 years, abuses and violence associated with Colombia’s internal armed conflict have driven more than 4.8 million Colombians from their homes, generating the world’s largest population of internally displaced persons (IDPs).” Moreover, pressure on those seeking restitution extends beyond killings, encompassing widespread death threats against claimants, their families, and advocates supporting them. One of the most common forms of social leadership pertains to those who participate in their local Junta de Accion Comunal, or communal action boards. Both Edwin Tapia and Luis Mendoza were involved in these micro-organizations that allow effective representation for small communities, something that is especially important in isolated rural areas. In January 2024, Jose Gregorio Naranjo, president of the communal action board in the area of Carrizal, San Carlos, became yet another victim of crimes against social leaders when he was shot dead at his home. Jose Gregorio had been involved in projects looking to improve the lives of those living in precarious circumstances. His murder, like that of Luis and Edwin, leaves a community without a valuable leader. Ultimately, the social development of the department of Córdoba also suffers due to these terrible crimes.

Overall, the cases that were studied and explored in this article highlight the continuous violence that the different social leaders face in Colombia, and more specifically in the department of Cordoba. Ranging from indigenous representatives like Mary Emilse Bailarín Domico and communal leaders such as Jose Gregorio Naranjo to environmental defenders and land right activists like Luis Mendoza and Edwin Tapia, leaders who work to overcome social struggles suffer the coercion and brutality enforced by armed groups in their territories. These are issues that are rooted in the historical conflict of Colombia. It is crucial to understand the connection between the murders of these social leaders and the lingering legacy of the armed conflict. Despite the signing of the peace agreement, issues over land and its use remain unresolved. The peace agreement and the truth commission acknowledged the historical injustices and aimed to address them, but there is still much to do and a long way to go in order to be able to tackle these issues. The truth commission shed light on the atrocities committed during the conflict, including the violence against social leaders fighting for land rights. However, the peace process has not yet fully addressed the underlying causes of these conflicts, such as unequal land distribution. Moving forward, it will be necessary to promote dialogue and cooperation in order to address and reduce the violence faced by social leaders in Córdoba; there needs to be mutual action between the government, civilians, and local communities to ensure the implementation of the peace agreement’s provisions related to land restitution. By addressing the legacy of the armed conflict and working towards justice, Colombia, its government and its citizens can create a more peaceful and equitable society for everyone.

References:

Almost 2,000 land and environmental defenders killed between 2012 and 2022 for protecting the planet. (2023). Global Witness. https://www.globalwitness.org/en/press-releases/almost-2000-land-and-environmental-defenders-killed-between-2012-and-2022-protecting-planet/

Colombia deadliest country for environmentalists – report. (2023, September 12). BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-66784686

Garcia, S. (2021, June 9). Land restitution: A dangerous job in Colombia. InSight Crime. https://insightcrime.org/news/criminal-groups-trail-land-restitution-efforts-colombia/

Mansilla, P. (2022, November 20). La riqueza ambiental de Córdoba. Diario Córdoba. https://www.diariocordoba.com/cambio-climatico/2022/11/20/riqueza-ambiental-cordoba-78673323.html

Otis, J. (2023, December 6). Colombia is the most dangerous country in the world for environmental defenders. NPR. https://www.npr.org/2023/12/06/1214170818/colombia-environmentalists-murders-latin-america

Pineda, J. (2023, Noviembre 27). Autoridades investigan la muerte del líder social Luis Mendoza en Pueblo Nuevo, Córdoba. Caracol Radio. https://caracol.com.co/2023/11/27/autoridades-investigan-la-muerte-del-lider-social-luis-mendoza-en-pueblo-nuevo-cordoba/

‌¿Quiénes amenazan y asesinan a los líderes sociales en el sur de Córdoba? (n.d.). La Paz En El Terreno. https://lapazenelterreno.com/mapas-de-riesgo/amenazas-asesinan-lideres-sur-cordoba/

Schoening, M. (2013). The risk of returning home: Violence and threats against displaced people reclaiming land in Colombia. Human Rights Watch.

The historical and present-day violence in the Bananera zone of Magdalena.

Originally published on Jun 17, 2024 and updated on Jun 24, 2024.

Rural leaders Martin Escobar and Willington Tovar were both shot dead in August 2023 in Magdalena. The department has a long and tragic history of violence faced demanding their rights and a more just society.

Article written by Armando de la Valle, Santiago Huguett & Danna Rey

In the heart of Colombia, the Magdalena region has experienced decades of violence and conflict, leaving a profound imprint on its social and political landscape. From the 1928 massacre of banana workers to recent clashes between armed groups, violence has shaped the history and daily reality of its inhabitants. The history of violence in Magdalena is a painful narrative of conflicts rooted in social and political injustice. From the dark days of the banana workers’ massacre to contemporary clashes between armed groups, the region has seen an endless cycle of violence and repression. In recent years, one of the forms of violence that has been most apparent, in Magdalena and throughout Colombia, is the violence faced by social leaders and human rights defenders in the country. According to Indepaz, there have been more than 1,600 such activists murdered since the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas. In this context, it is imperative to explore how this history of violence affects present-day social leaders who, despite constant threats and risks, continue to fight for human rights and the construction of a fairer and more peaceful society. To fully understand the impact of violence on social leaders in Magdalena today, it is crucial to analyze the historical and political context of the area, highlighting the influence of factors such as socio-economic inequality, the presence of armed groups, and institutional corruption. Additionally, we must examine how these conditions have created a power vacuum, leaving social leaders vulnerable to threats and risks due to their work in defending human rights and seeking justice. Moreover, we must address the disadvantaged position of these leaders and the need to establish strategies and measures to protect and support them in their brave struggle for a more peaceful and just Magdalena and Colombia.

The historical violence in Magdalena is emblematic of the broader conflict’s origins and manifestations. One particularly grim event was the banana workers massacre, which occurred in 1928. This atrocity saw multitudes of striking plantation workers brutally killed by government forces and paramilitary groups at the behest of the privately owned corporation, the United Fruit Company, highlighting the ruthless exploitation and suppression of labor movements. The massacre’s causes stemmed from the monopolistic practices of the United Fruit Company, exacerbated by the collusion between political elites and armed groups. Its impact reverberated throughout Colombian society, fueling resentment and mistrust toward authorities and elite interests. The legacy left by the banana workers massacre serves as a poignant reminder of the deep-seated injustices and violence that have plagued Magdalena, shaping the trajectory of the prolonged armed conflict that unfolded across the region and the nation. Nevertheless, the memory of this tragic event remains a subject of contention, with individuals continuing to diminish its significance, dismissing it as exaggerated or politically motivated, even after nearly a century has passed. Despite estimates ranging from acknowledging as few as 9 deaths to reporting over 100 deaths shortly after the massacre, and even reaching up to 500-600 deaths as suggested by a legal advisor from the United Fruit Company (UFC) in Bogotá, it is stated that the actual death toll surpassed 1,000 (Brittanica). The staggering scale of the tragedy underscores the brutality inflicted upon the banana workers and the severity of the repression they endured. Denials leading up to even the present day not only detract from the suffering and loss experienced by the victims and their families but also reflects the deeply polarized state of the nation, where historical truths are often distorted for political gain. In an environment where historical narratives are manipulated for political ends, the importance of facing the past and recognizing its intricacies becomes strikingly evident. The varying viewpoints on events like the Banana workers massacre serve as stark reminders of the deep divisions within Colombian society. While some acknowledge the gravity of this tragedy and push for justice, others opt to minimize its importance or outright deny its existence. This stark contrast highlights the enduring societal rifts that remain, almost one hundred years on from the bloody incident. Such positions have been hardened through the decades of armed conflict in Colombia.

The armed conflict in Colombia is rooted deeply in the country’s history, characterized by political, social, and economic tensions that have simmered for decades, both before and after the massacre in 1928. One pivotal moment in this history was the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán in 1948, which sparked a period of intense violence known as “La Violencia.” Gaitán’s death marked a turning point, unleashing pent-up frustrations among Colombia’s marginalized populations. La Violencia pitted liberals against conservatives, leading to a bloody civil conflict that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives and displaced millions. This period was fundamental due to emergence of armed groups such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN), groups whose main goal was to fight against the status quo. The growth of guerrilla groups in the mid-20th century further escalated tensions, as they clashed with government forces and sought to advance their agendas through armed struggle. These groups often operated in remote regions, including the Magdalena River basin and in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta mountain range. The impact of the armed conflict on Colombia, and the Magdalena region in particular, has been profound. Communities throughout the region have borne the brunt of displacement, as clashes between armed groups and government forces have forced families to flee their homes in search of safety. Moreover, the presence of armed actors has hindered economic development and exacerbated social inequalities, perpetuating a cycle of poverty and violence. While not the only factor (the region, like many others throughout Colombia has been disputed for control of lucrative drug trafficking routes), the use and ownership of agricultural land, and access to vital resources such as water, would become an increasing source of tension in a region with long established and divisive forms of mono-cultivation.

The use of water would become the field of confrontation for the actors present in this scenario. The environmental conflict in Zona Bananera is essentially a clash over the dominance of one form of production over another. This conflict highlights the critical role that water plays in sustaining agricultural practices and the competing interests that arise as a result. One real-world example of such a conflict is the water disputes between farmers and mining companies in various regions. Farmers rely on water for irrigation of crops, while mining operations require significant amounts of water for their processes (Entre Banano, Palma Y Violencias En La Zona Bananera De Magdalena, 2018). Furthermore, tensions have been created due to the question of access to water sources by large-scale landowners and industrialized agriculture. This competition for water resources often leads to tensions and conflicts, showcasing the complex interplay between different stakeholders. Various theories, such as the tragedy of the commons, can be applied to understand the dynamics of water usage conflicts. The tragedy of the commons theory posits that individuals, acting in their self-interest, deplete shared resources, leading to negative outcomes for all. In the context of Zona Bananera, the overexploitation of water resources by competing industries can be seen as a manifestation of this theory. By delving deeper into the concept of water as a common pool resource, we can better grasp the challenges faced in managing water usage conflicts. In more recent times, communities who are fighting to create more prosperity and inclusion of the local communities that have historically been overlooked and marginalized due to the interests of agro-industrial and monocultures, have been on the receiving end of threats and violence. Such situations evoke painful memories for communities that suffered greatly during the worst years of the armed conflict in the region.

In the case of Zona Bananera municipality, the various victimizing events intensified from 1997 onwards and began to partially decrease from 2009 onwards, coinciding with the arrival, peak, and dismantling of paramilitary units. According to the Rutas del Conflicto project by the National Center for Historical Memory and the Verdad Abierta portal, the Zona Bananera, and the region to which the municipality belongs, was a paramilitary target from the early nineties on orders from Salvatore Mancuso and the Castaño brothers, Carlos and Vicente, who sought to take control of the drug trafficking route in the Ciénaga Grande de Santa Marta. During this period, the Zona Bananera witnessed a profound shift in power dynamics with the emergence of paramilitary groups, whose presence unleashed a reign of terror upon the local community. The control exerted by these armed actors not only disrupted daily life but also shattered the social fabric of the municipality, leaving behind a legacy of fear, displacement, and human rights violations. Paramilitaries employed ruthless tactics such as forced recruitment, extortion, and targeted killings, instilling a pervasive climate of fear and oppression. As the region continues to grapple with the aftermath of the conflict, families and communities affected by the violence continue to seek justice and compensation for their losses. Crimes against leaders can be directly linked to this context, as families claim land and communities strive to establish their rights amidst the lingering presence of paramilitary inheritors, highlighting the ongoing struggle for justice and reconciliation in the region.

The socio-economic inequality in the Magdalena region of Colombia has been a significant factor contributing to the prevalence of violence in the area. The noticeable differences in wealth and opportunities have fueled social tensions and resentment, creating an environment conducive to conflict. Moreover, institutional corruption has further deteriorated these conditions, weakening trust in government entities and creating a vacuum of power. The lack of access to basic services and economic opportunities for marginalized communities in the Magdalena region intensifies the socio-economic divide, deepening the sense of exclusion and alienation. This exclusion, coupled with a history of neglect and weak governance, has left a void in leadership and accountability, allowing illicit actors to exploit the vulnerable population, further perpetuating the cycle of violence and instability in the region (PNUD,2021). Unfortunately, this kind of violence has continued in the new century In modern days, , the power vacuum left by the paramilitaries and the FARC guerrillas has left the opportunity for other illegal groups, who see this area as a very critical zone because of the maritime port of Santa Marta that is used to transport drugs to the US and Europe. It is a strategic area for illegal economies. Criminal organizations such as the Clan del Golfo (Autodedefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia or AGC) and the Pachencos (Autodefensas Conquistadores de la Sierra Nevada or ACSN) have been involved in a fierce conflict to control the drug channels and other interests in the region. The autodefensas aspect of the names both organizations use to identify themselves demonstrates the paramilitary legacy from which both groups emerged following demobilization processes between 2004-2006. Like the paramilitary groups they emerged from, the presence of these groups poses huge threats for the communities and representatives of Magdalena. These threats and dangers are clearly seen in instances of violence faced by social leaders in the region.

The recent murders of Martin Darys Escobar Barón and Willington Tovar Gil underscore the persistent violence and intimidation faced by social leaders advocating for justice in Magdalena. Martin Escobar had previously survived an attempt on his life in 2020, yet the National Protection Unit had not offered the necessary protection to the rural leader. Martin was a leader representing rural communities as part of the Asociación Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos de Colombia. He was shot dead on August 16th 2023, with local human rights defenders suggesting his murder was due to the issue of land reclamation, as Martin represented a community who had been awarded plots of land at La Conquista in the Zona Bananera area. A day earlier, Willington Tovar Gil was shot dead in the San Zenon in the south of the department of Magdalena. Willington was a political activist for the Alianza Democratica Amplia (ADA) party in a zone of the department where the AGC are known to be present. Operating in environments marked by poverty and armed groups, these leaders champion the rights of marginalized communities, often at great personal risk. The Colombian government must urgently implement robust measures, including enhancing law enforcement presence, implementing witness protection programs, and prosecuting crimes against social leaders. Such actions are crucial to fostering a safe environment and deterring further violence. According to statistics from INDEPAZ, there have been 28 documented cases of social leaders killed in Magdalena since 2016 (as of May 2024), reflecting the pervasive threat of violence and impunity facing activists in the region. Some of these cases, such as that of Maritza Quiroz, gained national attention, but many are overlooked and under analyzed. Maritza, like Martin Escobar, had been awarded a plot of land in the department as compensation for being forcibly displaced years previously.

Furthermore, the murders of environmental defenders like Wilton Orrego, Nathalia Jimenez, and Alejandro Llinas highlight the dangerous consequences of raising awareness about environmental issues in Colombia. These individuals were targeted for their efforts to protect the natural environment and hold other stakeholders accountable for their actions, further illustrating the complex interplay between environmental degradation, social conflict, and violence in the Magdalena region. Their deaths, amid a backdrop of escalating violence in the region, highlight the dangers faced by those advocating for marginalized communities and sustainable development in Colombia. Social leaders in Magdalena are pivotal in advancing peace, development, and human rights. Their protection and support are vital for building a more equitable society. By prioritizing comprehensive protection strategies and backing the efforts of social leaders, Colombia can take significant strides towards creating a more peaceful and just society for all.

In conclusion, the socio-economic inequality in the Magdalena region of Colombia has created fertile ground for violence, perpetuating a cycle of conflict that has endured for decades. The historical and present-day violence in the Zona Bananera reflects deep-rooted injustices and power struggles, with armed groups vying for control over strategic territories and resources. From the 1928 banana workers massacre to the recent murders of social leaders and environmental defenders, the region has borne witness to the devastating impact of violence on its inhabitants. The ongoing struggle for justice and reconciliation underscores the urgent need for comprehensive protection strategies and support for social leaders advocating for peace and human rights. Addressing the underlying socio-economic disparities and institutional corruption is essential to breaking the cycle of violence and building a more equitable and peaceful society in Magdalena and Colombia as a whole.

References

La Libertad Sublime. (2022, June 13). Natalia and Rodrigo: The Honeymoon Murder of Colombian environmentalists that shocked the country. La Libertad Sublime. https://www.lalibertadsublime.com/post/natalia-and-rodrigo-the-honeymoon-murder-of-colombian-environmentalists-that-shocked-the-country

Pobreza y desigualdad en la región caribe ¿Cómo recuperar la Senda del Desarrollo Sostenible? | Programa de las Naciones unidas para el Desarrollo. (2021, April 22). https://www.undp.org/es/colombia/speeches/pobreza-y-desigualdad-en-la-region-caribe

Tiempo, R. E. (1995, April 24). ZONA BANANERA BAJO DOMINIO DE LA VIOLENCIA. El Tiempo. https://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-496375

Gómez, L. (2023, November 10). Amnistía Internacional Advirtió que líderes sociales en Colombia Siguen en Riesgo y el gobierno ha fallado en su protección. infobae. https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2023/11/10/amnistia-internacional-advirtio-que-lideres-sociales-en-colombia-siguen-en-riesgo-y-el-gobierno-ha-fallado-en-su-proteccion/

Entre banano, palma y violencias en la zona bananera de Magdalena. (2018, July). www.cinep.org.co. Retrieved May 7, 2024, from https://www.cinep.org.co/publi-files/PDFS/20190613B4_Estudio_de_caso_territorial_Magdalena_Entre_el_banano.pdf

Asesinan a Líder de Zona Bananera: Había sobrevivido a atentado y la unp no Lo Protegió. Seguimiento.co. (2023, August 17). https://seguimiento.co/magdalena/asesinan-lider-de-zona-bananera-habia-sobrevivido-atentado-y-la-unp-no-lo-protegio-66684

Safeguarding the Promise: Protecting Ex-Combatants in Colombia’s Fragile Peace.

Originally published on Jun 24, 2024.

Ex-combatant Jaime Díaz wanted to enter politics. His murder, and that of over 400 signatories of the 2016 agreement, have generated mistrust and brought about painful memories from the past in Colombia.

Article written by Joaquin Castillo, María Fernanda Herrera & Valentina Torres

Amidst the optimism that followed the signing of the historic peace accords in Colombia, agreed by the Colombian state and the FARC guerrillas in 2016, a haunting reality emerged: the lives of ex-combatants have remained perilously vulnerable. Eight years have passed since the signatories made the commitment to emerge from deep within the jungles of our country, but gradually this promise has been undermined by threats and attacks on the lives of ex-combatants. Such a situation has also been a factor in relation to the numbers of ex-combatants who have decided to wield arms again and return to a life of arms; they believe they are safer armed in the jungle than unarmed and scattered throughout the country. It is, however, important to highlight that according to the reports of the Truth Commission, almost 95% of the 13,609 fighters who signed the 2016 agreement are actively complying with the processes of peaceful reintegration into society (2022). It is for this reason that it is necessary to shine a light on the grave dangers being faced by those who have laid down their arms in the name of peace. The story of ex-combatants falling victim to assassination paints a stark picture of the complexities and challenges that persist long after the agreements. Such a scenario evokes painful memories from the past and is also extremely pertinent keeping in mind that the current president of Colombia is an ex-combatant himself and that the national government is keen to achieve peace agreements with several other armed groups still operating across the national territory. In this article, we dive into the tragic phenomenon of ex-combatants being killed after the signing of the peace accords by looking primarily at the case of one such slain ex-combatant, Jaime Diaz.

Jaime Luis Diaz Ricardo belongs to the group of those who have fallen victims of the insecurity in peripheral areas of the country. Diaz Ricardo was a signatory of the 2016 Peace Agreement who was involved in the process of reincorporation (El Universal, 2023). The reincorporation process involved former FARC guerillas like Diaz Ricardo demobilizing and reintegrating into civilian life by turning in their weapons and receiving training and support to transition to legal economic activities under the terms of the 2016 Peace Agreement. After demobilizing from the FARC and going through the reincorporation program, he decided to enter politics. He was a candidate for the Municipal Council of Chalán in Sucre, for the Independent Social Alliance (ASI) party (Seguimiento.co, 2023). On October 27th 2023, at around 2pm, he was driving on the road leading from Chalán to Colosó, near the village of Desbarrancao, where he had been on campaign business, when he was approached and shot dead by two armed men (El Heraldo, 2023). He had lived in the Arriba de Chalán neighborhood, where he ran his parents’ store. People affectionately called him ‘el Niño’. Jaime left behind three small children.

The region where the crime took place has a long history of violence stemming from the armed conflict, with various illegal armed groups disputing control of the territory and its strategic importance for drug trafficking routes. One of the most prominent criminal organizations currently operating in the area is the Gulf Clan (Clan del Golfo or AGC), which emerged from the demobilization of right-wing paramilitary groups. The AGC has violently asserted its control over illegal economies like drug trafficking and illegal mining in the Montes de María region, using intimidation and violence against social leaders, human rights defenders, and political candidates seen as opposing their interests (InSight Crime, 2022). After Diaz´ assassination, the governor of Sucre, Hector Olimpo Espinosa, claimed he had issued repeated warnings regarding the dangerous environment for candidates in this departmental election, expressing concern regarding the lack of attention being paid by the national government to the Sucre region in relation to potential threats to candidates, and the potential involvement of criminal gangs within the electoral process (Caracol Radio, 2024).

The assassination of Jaime Diaz and other ex-combatants casts a haunting shadow over Colombia’s pursuit of peace. According to figures from Indepaz, there have now been over 400 ex-combatants of the FARC murdered throughout Colombia since the agreement was signed in 2016. Such figures evoke tragic memories of the nation’s turbulent past. The demobilization and attempted political integration of the Patriotic Union (UP) party in the 1980s ended disastrously, with thousands of its members and leaders assassinated by paramilitary groups and narco-traffickers threatened by their political aspirations (Dudley, 2008). This brutal chapter demonstrated the perils ex-combatants face when attempting to reintegrate into civil society, underscoring the need for robust security guarantees. The current stakes are heightened further as Colombia’s president, Gustavo Petro, is himself a former M-19 guerrilla fighter (The New York Times, 2022), lending personal resonance to the plight of ex-combatants and the existential importance of safeguarding the fragile peace process he has championed.

These kinds of killings during a post-conflict era in Colombia demand urgent action from authorities at the local, national, and international level. Locally, law enforcement must intensify investigations and provide comprehensive protection and support programs for ex-combatants to ensure successful reintegration (Justice for Colombia, 2022). Nationally, the Colombian government must prioritize ex-combatant protection, strengthening security measures, allocating resources for socioeconomic reintegration, and swiftly prosecuting perpetrators (De-Arteaga et. Al, 2019). Internationally, organizations like the United Nations should provide technical assistance, monitor human rights violations, and advocate for ex-combatant protection while pressuring Colombia to fulfill peace accord commitments and address the root causes of violence (OHCHR, 2024). A coordinated effort is crucial in order to uphold peace, justice, and reconciliation and create a safer, more prosperous future for Colombians.

Furthermore, it is important to acknowledge that these crimes are deeply troubling for several reasons. These individuals had laid down their arms and committed to pursuing peace, including through non-violence and reintegration. As agents of peace, their deaths have the effect of undermining the accords and efforts for lasting peace. Their participation demonstrated trust in the agreements and a willingness to embrace a new future. The killings represent lives lost and setbacks in building trust and confidence. They erode the security promised to those abandoning armed struggle. The acts of violence discourage other ex-combatants from embracing reintegration, perpetuating mistrust. Many ex-combatants have served as positive agents of change, promoting reconciliation. Their protection upholds the accords and moral imperative for peace. Ensuring their safety demonstrates Colombia’s commitment to a peaceful future.

The ongoing violence against ex-combatants like Jaime Diaz exposes a troubling lack of empathy and commitment from Colombian society towards the difficult process of reintegrating former fighters into civilian life. While apprehensions are understandable, demonizing all ex-combatants and denying them a legitimate path to rejoin society only perpetuates cycles of violence and mistrust. For sustainable peace, the public must recognize that many have renounced violence in good faith, deserving a genuine chance to rebuild their lives and contribute positively. Embracing this requires confronting painful histories and overcoming resentments, but the consequences of failure – renewed conflict, more bloodshed, wasted human potential – are too grave. All Colombians must leave animosities behind, uphold the peace accords’ tenets through personal attitudes and actions, and reintegrate ex-combatants through reconciliation into the national fabric. The entire nation has a stake in this reintegration succeeding or reverting to entrenched divisions. Opening hearts and minds to ex-combatants’ persevering humanity, honoring their choice of peace, and providing security and opportunities can unlock vast potential, whereas regressing to violence spurs only more suffering (Ramirez, 2016). The legacy of slain ex-combatants such as Jaime Diaz should steel our resolve to realize the promise of reconciliation.

References

Caracol Radio. (2024). La corporación Pacto Social por la Mojana advierte sobre posible paro por Caregato. Caracol Radio; Caracol Radio. https://caracol.com.co/2024/04/26/la-corporacion-pacto-social-por-la-mojana-advierte-sobre-posible-paro-por-caregato/

De-Arteaga, M., & Boecking, B. (2019). Killings of social leaders in the Colombian post-conflict: Data analysis for investigative journalism. ResearchGate; ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/333891954_Killings_of_social_leaders_in_the_Colombian_post-conflict_Data_analysis_for_investigative_journalism

Dudley, S. S. (2004). Walking ghosts: murder and guerrilla politics in Colombia. https://primo-tc-na01.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1nls3ib/uninorte_aleph000152966

El Heraldo. (2023). Asesinan a balazos a un aspirante al concejo de Chalán, Sucre. ELHERALDO.CO; EL HERALDO. https://www.elheraldo.co/sucre/sucre-asesinan-balazos-un-aspirante-al-concejo-de-chalan-1044365?utm_source=ELHERALDO&utm_medium=articulo&utm_campaign=recirculacion&utm_term=relacionadobody

El Heraldo . (2023). ONU condena crimen de firmante de paz y aspirante al Concejo de Chalán, Sucre. ELHERALDO.CO; EL HERALDO. https://www.elheraldo.co/sucre/onu-condena-crimen-de-firmante-de-paz-y-aspirante-al-concejo-de-chalan-sucre-1044409

El Universal. (2023). Mataron a líder social en los Montes de María: ya son 138 en 2023, en el país. Www.eluniversal.com.co; Periodico El Universal. https://www.eluniversal.com.co/sucesos/mataron-a-lider-social-en-los-montes-de-maria-ya-son-138-en-2023-en-el-pais-XA9345374

INDEPAZ. (2023). Balance de seguridad del primer año del gobierno de Gustavo Petro.

Justice for Colombia. (2022). Constitutional Court rules Colombian state has failed to protect former FARC combatants – justice for colombia. Justice for Colombia. https://justiceforcolombia.org/news/constitutional-court-rules-colombian-state-has-failed-to-protect-former-farc-combatants/

InSight. (2022). Asesinato de líderes sociales en Colombia aumenta a pesar de la “Paz Total.” InSight Crime; InSight Crime. https://insightcrime.org/es/noticias/asesinatos-lideres-sociales-aumenta-colombia-paz-total/

OHCHR. (2024). Colombia: UN expert calls for implementation of Peace Agreement as a State policy. OHCHR. https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/03/colombia-un-expert-calls-implementation-peace-agreement-state-policy

Pecastaing, C. (2016). Ungovernance or Divergence? Assessing the Adaptiveness of Brutality in Marginal Areas. The SAIS Review of International Affairs, 36(1), 29–38.

Seguimiento.co. (2023). Asesinan a Jaime Luis Díaz Ricardo, firmante de paz y candidato al Concejo de Chalán. Seguimiento.co. https://seguimiento.co/la-region-caribe/asesinan-jaime-luis-diaz-ricardo-firmante-de-paz-y-candidato-al-concejo-de-chalan

The New York Times. (2024). Colombia Presidential Election: Colombia Election: Gustavo Petro Makes History in Presidential Victory (Published 2022). The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/live/2022/06/19/world/colombia-election-results

The Truth Commission. (2022). La Desmovilización de la FARC-EP. La Comisión de Verdad. Retrieved from https://www.comisiondelaverdad.co/la-desmovilizacion-de-las-farc-ep#:~:text=Con%20la%20firma%20del%20Acuerdo,con%20su%20proceso%20de%20reincorporaci%C3%B3n.

Fighting for life: The dangers faced by social leaders in Cartagena and Bolívar.

Originally published on Jun 13, 2024 and updated on Jun 24, 2024.

Social leaders Ronald Gomez, Billy Smith Salgado and Herney Arrieta were all killed in the department of Bolívar since August 2023.

Article written by Mariana Herrera, Carolina Moya & María Alejandra Piedrahita

The Department of Bolívar is one of the thirty-two departments that, together with Bogotá, Capital District, make up the territory of the Republic of Colombia. It is a coastal department in northern Colombia, and it’s known for its rich colonial history and its cultural and touristic importance due to places like Cartagena. However, in recent times, the department of Bolívar has been exposed to constant violence with a legacy traced to the armed conflict, thus affecting the local communities due to a series of tragic incidents. These confrontations highlight the precarious nature of life that many Colombian citizens face nowadays, particularly those involved in social activism. Those involved in social activism, often referred to as social leaders in Colombia, have become frequent victims of armed groups and other agents who view those representing the interests of local communities as obstacles to their economic ventures. Since 2016, over 1,500 social leaders have been murdered throughout Colombia according to Indepaz. This article is going to explore this worrying situation by focusing on the department of Bolívar. Specifically, it will look at three recent cases from the department, each of them representing a unique aspect of the challenges the residents constantly face.

Before looking at these cases in detail, it is necessary to have a better insight into the situation, and it is important to focus on the general panorama in the department of Bolivar. The disparities between the city of Cartegena and the neglected south of the department are evident. While Cartagena has seen significant development in touristic areas such as the “Walled City” and Boca Grande, the south of the department often faces issues of poverty, lack of infrastructure, and limited access to basic services. The armed conflict has also had a hugely damaging impact on the department. According to the final report of the Truth Commission, Bolívar was the second department in the country most affected by forced displacement. Some 631,276 people had to leave their territories between 1985 and 2016 due to threats from armed groups in the area, leaving a lasting and harmful legacy:

“Forced displacement causes the disruption of the way of life of the victims, who must start over and rebuild their lives, often in marginal neighborhoods of cities or in areas of armed conflict, in unprotected conditions. The loss of ways of life, fundamentally peasant identities, productive possibilities and cultural dynamics, has been a catastrophe that, although it has been known in the country, is silent, especially in terms of its social effects, says the report” (Gonzalez, 2022). However, despite the disparities in general between the capital and the south of the department, it is necessary to outline the inequalities and levels of marginalization within Cartagena itself, as these disparities are also palpable. According to DANE, moderate poverty increased in Cartagena, going from 42.5% in 2021 to 43.6% in 2022, which means that for some 16,172 people, Cartagena’s economic situation worsened. The same panorama is visible in extreme monetary poverty, which went from 10.1% in 2021 to 12.7% in 2022, that is, some 28,239 additional people are in this condition. In a situation like this, with marginalization and dangers faced in both the neglected south of the department and within Cartagena, leaders are needed to address these problems and work to improve the living conditions of residents. However, these leaders also face dangers due to violence and instability in the region, making their task even more challenging.

The danger faced by those involved in activism is exemplified in the case of Ronald Gomez, a champeta musician and a political figure in Cartagena. The social leader was shot dead as he spoke with a colleague at a party. This case sheds light on the dangers faced by those who advocate for cultural expression and community empowerment. The brutal nature of his killing, occurring during a social gathering, underscores the pervasive threat of violence even in seemingly ordinary events and situations. This case serves as a stark reminder of the risk’s individuals take when they stand up for their beliefs and support their communities. In contexts where political violence is prevalent, as it sadly is throughout much of Colombia and particularly at certain times, figures such as Ronald are left in a precarious situation. Ronald, for example, was involved in politics, as he worked as a counselor in Tolú for the AICO party. This political party represents indigenous interests throughout Colombia, adding another factor of danger for an activist such as Ronald since indigenous social leaders make up more than a quarter of all social leaders killed since 2016 (Indepaz). It can be controversial expressing dissent, and political activists may face threats due to the context in which they are working. Furthermore, Ronald was a visible figure in the world of music, playing an active role in the picó sound system scene which is hugely popular in the Caribbean region and particularly in Cartagena. This point may represent another factor of peril in the case of Ronald as over the past years, this scene has increasingly faced problems caused by criminal groups demanding protection money in cases of extortion (El Heraldo). The targeting of individuals like Gómez not only silences the voices of cultural and political expression but also provokes fear in the ones that want to stand up against these injustices. Despite the dangers associated with representation of communities within marginalized sectors of the city, young leaders continue to emerge, but they too have been victims of violence.

Considering the previous paragraph, younger leaders are necessary for the growth and development of marginalized urban communities. Frustratingly, some younger leaders are cut down before they can reach their potential. Billy Smith Salgado was a young pharmacy assistant student who was involved in leading and organizing the sporting events of the community action board in the neighborhood of La Candelaria. He was known and respected in his community. Billy’s tragic death was due to a robbery while traveling along a busy street in his neighborhood. Billy was shot and left to die in the middle of the avenue. This case paints a picture that shows the vulnerability of young people in urban areas. His murder sheds light on the dangers faced by those who advocate for cultural expression and community empowerment in contexts where insecurity and impunity reigns. This case shows a striking example of the inherent dangers that individuals face when they try to advocate for their communities. For many victims of crime against social leaders, violence tends to occur in remote rural areas, often under the control of illegal armed groups. However, within larger cities such as Cartagena, certain sectors also suffer disproportionately from a sense of insecurity, where informal crime and criminal gangs are a fact of life. This can be exemplified in the statistics collected from citizens. According to the webpage Cartagena Como Vamos, in November 2021, the ‘My Voice Virtual Survey’ in Cartagena found that 79% felt unsafe city-wide, with 70% feeling unsafe in their neighborhoods. 71% attributed this to crime, with thefts and homicides mentioned. Crime victimization rose slightly from August to November 2021 (32% to 35%). There are concerns about underreported crime due to perceptions of a slow and untrustworthy justice system (n.d). While cities like Cartagena demonstrate the dangers faced by leaders due to both opposition to their activism and a sense of insecurity in general, the situation in the south of the department is distinct, and even more complex.

Herney Arrieta Meza’s story delves into the dangers faced by social leaders in rural areas, particularly those who confront criminal elements. Herney was a social leader found dead on the afternoon of Sunday, August 13th, 2023, in the rural area of Montecristo, south of Bolívar. He had been a spokesperson and guide for the residents of the township who were tired of the abuses of the Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces, a multi-crime organization which developed from the former AUC paramilitaries and operates in that sector. His abduction and subsequent murder emphasize the risks associated with speaking out against organized crime, by supporting and standing up for community rights. The killing of Herney Arrieta further highlights the complex dynamics of power and violence in this region. The southern region of Bolívar is a crucial nerve center for the department, impacting other areas like southern Cesar, southern Santander, and parts of Antioquia. Many observers struggle to explain the persistent cycles of violence and the State’s inability to establish territorial control, despite the presence of five battalions from the public forces and the police in urban zones. Currently, organizations like the ELN operate in southern Bolívar, specifically controlling the mining sector in the Serranía de San Lucas. Additionally, the Gulf Clan (a vast criminal organisation who refer to themselves as the Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia, or the AGC) is active in areas like Tiquisio and its vicinity, along with splinter factions of the former FARC. This case reveals the urgent need for enhanced security measures and support for grassroots activists like Herney, who are left in a dangerous position simply for trying to do what is best for their communities. The article titled Community leadership and its importance in community intervention states that community leaders embody the community’s needs, facilitating organization, expression, and participation. This prevents intervention that treats individuals as passive. In this context, leadership takes on unique nuances, emerging from grassroots leaders representing the community. This communal representation defines a leader; if they diverge from collective interests, they lose legitimacy. Leadership, as noted, must think not for or without the masses, but alongside them (Moreno, 2008). While such a description does a good job of explaining the importance of community leadership, the fact remains that such work is incredibly dangerous in contexts where illegal groups exercise effective control over territories. According to the Defensoría del Pueblo, or the Ombudsman’s Office:

“The presence of the Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AGC) is the main threat to the human rights of the residents, who, affected by the criminal dynamics of this group and social vulnerability, have been exposed to the consequences of possible alliances or disputes with other armed groups part of the conflict such as Los Pachenca, the Costeño Block, and even with organized crime groups,” . While the presence of dangerous actors such as the AGC and the ELN, among others, pose grave threats for the community in general, social leaders such as Herney tend to attract the most attention given the role and status they represent in communities. More needs to be done to protect them.

Collectively, these cases represent a grim perspective of the challenges and complex situation that individuals and communities are confronting in Cartagena and Bolívar. From cultural leaders to young students and social leaders, no one is immune to the threat of violence and crime. Addressing these issues requires a multi-faceted approach that includes effective law enforcement, community empowerment, and initiatives to tackle the root causes of criminality and its negligence. Only through concerted efforts can these regions hope to create safer environments for their residents. A report from the Defensoria del Pueblo (2024), prepared by its Early Warning System (SAT), ‘‘reveals a panorama of risk, threat and insecurity for those dedicated to promoting and protecting the rights of communities, since during 2023 a total of 181 leaders and human rights defenders in the national territory. Of the total, 160 were men and 21 were women”. These crimes showcase a range of violence that targets individuals from various backgrounds and for different reasons, yet they share common threads of brutality and tragedy. What ties these stories together is the cycle of violence and impunity that persists in many regions. The lack of justice for these crimes not only perpetuates fear but also erodes trust in institutions meant to protect citizens. Until meaningful steps are taken to address underlying issues such as inequality, corruption, and lawlessness, these tragic events are likely to continue plaguing communities across the country.

In conclusion, the challenges outlined in this text related to the department of Bolívar and its capital, Cartagena, demonstrate that the issues of political violence, social inequality, and community activism demand a comprehensive and concerted response. The Department of Bolívar, with its historical significance and cultural vibrancy centered around Cartagena, faces ongoing challenges that directly affect people’s lives. The present article focused on the lack of presence of the state, evidenced in the terrible and multiple massacres social leaders suffer all around the country, and it did so by looking specifically at the cases of Ronald Gomez, Billy Smith Salgado and Herney Arrieta in the department of Bolivar. Cartagena is known for tourism, but this community faces a challenging reality in which indiscriminate violence is a constant risk for those who seek social justice and cultural expression as well as those who just want to look for opportunities for their social group. The disparities between Cartagena’s developed areas and the neglected regions within the department underscore the urgent need for inclusive development and equitable distribution of resources. The dangers faced by leaders and activists, exemplified by the cases mentioned, highlight the pervasive threat of political violence and the critical importance of protecting those who strive for positive change. The statistics revealing the insecurity among Cartagena’s residents and the involvement of criminal organizations in exacerbating these challenges highlighted the complex nature of the region’s issues. Addressing these challenges requires a multifaceted approach that includes effective law enforcement, community empowerment initiatives, and efforts to address the root causes of crime and neglect. Cartagena and Bolívar stand in a critical situation where concerted efforts must be made to create safer, more inclusive, and sustainable communities. The voices of cultural leaders and young activists echo the urgent need for action and support. By addressing the underlying issues of inequality, violence, and social exclusion, these regions can aspire to a future where all residents can live with dignity, safety, and opportunities for prosperity. Communities must unite in demanding justice, enhanced security measures, and a renewed dedication to creating safer and stronger societies. The enduring memory of these individuals serves as a testament to the continuous effort towards achieving peace and stability in Cartagena and its surroundings.

References

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Andrade, Rodrigo Rojas. (2013). El liderazgo comunitario y su importancia en la intervención comunitaria. Psicología para América Latina, (25), 57-76. http://pepsic.bvsalud.org/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1870-350X2013000200005&lng=pt&tlng=es

Durante el 2023, en Colombia fueron asesinados 181 Líderes Sociales y defensores de derechos humanos. Defensoría. (2024, January 9). https://www.defensoria.gov.co/-/durante-el-2023-en-colombia-fueron-asesinados-181-l%C3%ADderes-sociales-y-defensores-de-derechos-humanos

En Cartagena no se adoptaron medidas para Evitar El Escalamiento de un conflicto advertido por la defensoría del pueblo. Defensoría. (2024, January 17). https://www.defensoria.gov.co/-/en-cartagena-no-se-adoptaron-medidas-para-evitar-el-escalamiento-de-un-conflicto-advertido-por-la-defensor%C3%ADa-del-pueblo

Ortega, J. (2022, July 3). Las heridas que dejó el conflicto armado en bolívar. www.eluniversal.com.co. https://www.eluniversal.com.co/regional/bolivar/las-heridas-que-dejo-el-conflicto-armado-en-bolivar-AB6773938

Prins, I. J. B., & Comunicaciones. (2023, April 5). ¿Qué pasa con la seguridad en Cartagena?. Cartagena Cómo Vamos. https://cartagenacomovamos.org/que-pasa-con-la-seguridad-en-cartagena/