Social Leaders under threat in Colombia – The cases of Eliecer Guevara and Deivis Junco.

Originally published on Dec 3, 2024.

School teacher Eliecer Guevara and peace counselor Deivis Junco were both murdered in 2024

Article written by Gabriela Arrazola, Maria Jose Bossio, Valentina Perez & Gabriela Vargas

In Colombia, the figures for attacks, threats, and violence directed at social leaders and human rights defenders are alarming. In 2023, 181 deaths were recorded, of which 160 were men and 21 were women (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2023). Generally coming from rural areas, these leaders dedicate themselves to raising their voices and defending crucial issues such as territory, equality, and justice. However, their courageous work places them in a position of risk. According to the Universidad de los Andes (n.d.), some of the reasons for these crimes include their opposition to the interests of illegal armed groups, combined with changes brought about by programs agreed as part of the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC-EP, such as the substitution of illicit crops, which have generated imbalances in territorial control, thus exposing leaders to threats aimed at silencing their commitment to the community. As a result, they are forced to live in a state of vulnerability. Furthermore, social leaders may also be exposed to threats due to other factors in society, such as a climate of insecurity in towns and cities or other acts of intolerance based on prejudices in society. One sector of the population that has historically faced marginalization and violence in the country is the LGBTQ+ community. Social leaders who are part of, or who represent, this community may face challenges and threats due to the intersectionality of their identities. This situation is often exacerbated by questionable media coverage in relation to cases of violence against leaders, where superficial or superfluous information is favored over a deeper analysis of cases when they occur. The murders of social leaders in Colombia represent a serious issue that must be addressed to mitigate violence and the lack of cohesion in the country. The issue of intersectionality and media coverage also needs to be better analyzed, so that the roots of these problems can be targeted. This text will explore these issues by focusing on the tragic assassinations of Eliecer Guevara Rojas and Deivis Junco Hernández, which reflect this crisis and the urgency of protecting those who defend the rights of their communities.

The first case to look at is that of Eliecer Gevara Rojas. Eliecer was recognized as a social leader for his invaluable role as social sciences teacher at the ‘Institution Educativa La Esperanza’ in Valledupar, and for his efforts to advocate for the rights of teachers and students as a member of the Cesar Teachers Association (ADUCESAR). He was born in 1969 in Manaure, Cesar, and he had dedicated his entire life to community development until his death. Tragically, he became the 24th leader (at the time) to be assassinated in 2024. On February 25th, he was killed under uncertain circumstances in his own home in the La Floresta neighborhood of Valledupar (INDEPAZ, 2024). According to El Universal, the professor was found gagged and naked inside his bedroom. However, there were no signs of physical violence, so it is presumed that the cause of his death was mechanical asphyxiation. Furthermore, on February 26th, the Police Department of Cesar notified to the community regarding the capture of a young man accused of having killed Eliecer, with the alleged reason being a robbery. It has been argued that the perpetrators used his trust and sexuality to gain access to his house. FECODE (the union of Colombian school teachers) issued a statement to support the Cesar Teachers Association (ADUCESAR) for this ruthless crime committed against the teacher. There was also widespread condemnation in Valledupar for the inhumane way in which the teacher’s life was ended, and Eliecer is remembered by his students as a person of integrity, dedicated to sharing his knowledge and always supporting his students and the community. In this context, it’s important to mention, as Martha Alfonso, vice president of FECODE, argues, that teachers have been subjected to ongoing persecution (El Tiempo, 2020). Sadly, it is not only teachers who face risks in society.

On the other hand, there is the case of Deivis Enrique Junco Hernández, who was dedicated to peacebuilding, and worked tirelessly as the Counselor for Peace, Reconciliation, and Conciliation. In addition to his role as a public official in the Lorica Government Secretariat, where he supported the Citizen Income Program, he was also a valued member of the LGBTQ+ community (Caribe Afirmativo, 2024). His commitment and presence made a meaningful impact on those he served and worked with. Deivis, who was 43 years old, disappeared on March 5th. He was later found dead in the Las Estancias area of Lorica, Córdoba. The Cordoberxia Foundation (2024) issued a statement indicating that Junco’s body was found with signs of violence and that the peace counselor had been murdered. The death of Deivis Junco shocked the community and raised alarms about the growing violence against social leaders and activists in Colombia, especially in regions such as Córdoba, where the activity of illegal armed groups and social conflict continue to be an ongoing threat. Local and international organizations have pointed out the lack of security guarantees for leaders who, like Junco, seek to promote peace and defend human rights. These cases represent the sacrifice of those seeking to build a more inclusive and just country, and their loss is a reminder of the risks faced daily by peace activists and human rights defenders in the country.

While Eliecer and Deivis worked in different areas, both were recognized as social leaders due to the nature of their professional responsibilities. Furthermore, it seems that the sexuality of both victims was a factor in the way both were cruelly targeted. The situation of the LGBTQ+ community in Colombia also reflects a panorama of vulnerability and risk, marked by violence and discrimination. According to the statistics from 2022, gay men are the most affected, with 2,444 reported cases of aggression against the LGBTQ+ community. They are followed by lesbian women, with 1,207 victims. Trans individuals have also been severely impacted, recording 515 cases. Bisexual men reported 478 victims, while bisexual women totaled 440. Other identities report a total of 318 victimisations and, finally, there are 89 cases of unidentified identities. (Caribe Afirmativo, 2023). This community suffered immensely during the years of armed conflict in Colombia, as armed groups controlled territories and imposed patriarchal norms, leading to stigmatization, persecution, and sexual violence against LGBTIQ+ individuals. (Comisión de la Verdad, n.d). The numbers previously stated indicate the level of intolerance that still exists in the country towards this community. Furthermore, violence has been concentrated among activist members of the community; with social leaders working in defense of the LGBTQ+ community such as Deivis Junco being one such example. This demonstrates that these incidents are not merely isolated acts of hatred; rather, they reveal deeply rooted patterns of discrimination and prejudice, where victims are systematically chosen based on their sexual orientation or gender identity (Fundación Paz y Reconciliación, 2023). This reflects a call to action to end and combat these behaviors that show the hostility and discrimination present in the territory.

The risks faced by the LGBTQ+ community are exacerbated by the way the media covers these crimes. Media bias often presents itself via a focus on sensational parts of a story to grab the public’s attention. As UNAB University (2020) explains, sensationalism in the media is a technique or style that presents and interprets reality in a way that aims to create an impression, emotion, and reaction in the audience. And this trend can be seen in Colombia, where media reports often emphasize details like a social leader’s sexual orientation or the tragic way they died, instead of their contributions to the community. For example, in the case of Eliecer Guevara—a social sciences teacher and leader—headlines highlighted that he was found gagged and naked in his home, while there was little mention of his years of work as a teacher and union member who fought for students’ rights. Similarly, in covering Deivis Junco’s death, the media focused on the brutality of his murder and his identity as part of the LGBTQ+ community but barely mentioned his important role as a peace counselor and his work with the Citizen Income Program in Lorica. This approach shifts the story from their sacrifices and achievements to sensational details, unintentionally making them seem less human. Additionally, both Eliecer and Deivis faced not only the risks inherent in their roles as social leaders but also the added dangers associated with being LGBTQ+ men in Colombia, where this community often endures higher levels of violence and discrimination.

When a crime against a social leader is reported in this way, it obscures the bigger picture of the systematic threats and violence these leaders face, overlooking the larger issues that put them at risk. For instance, although Eliecer’s death was reported as a robbery, the media often fail to explore how crimes against figures like Eliecer are often linked to the threats and harassment that social leaders, especially those from vulnerable groups, regularly experience. By focusing on individual details rather than the shared threats these leaders face, media coverage reduces the public’s understanding of the complexity and seriousness of these situations. This kind of reporting risks misrepresenting the legacy of social leaders like Eliecer and Deivis and takes attention away from critical issues like territorial control, human rights work, and the opposition faced by leaders from marginalized communities.

In conclusion, it is crucial to raise awareness and share the stories of social leaders like Eliecer Guevara and Deivis Junco, whose courageous work and identities put them at particular risk. Their murders leave a deep void in their communities, where they worked tirelessly as advocates for peace, education, and human rights. To honor their legacy, it is essential to push for concrete political actions that strengthen the protection of social leaders in Colombia, such as public policies and programs that safeguard not only their lives but also the well-being of their families in dangerous regions. In addition, authorities have a responsibility to ensure that protective measures for social leaders are not only designed but implemented effectively. This includes creating specialized protection programs that account for the unique risks faced by leaders, teachers, and LGBTQ+ individuals, and ensuring that resources are allocated to provide adequate security and support. Additionally, strengthening the judicial response to crimes against social leaders and ensuring thorough investigations and justice in these cases are critical steps to prevent further violence and impunity. Moreover, the media has a significant role to play in accurately portraying the lives and sacrifices of these leaders. Sensationalized reporting overlooks the broader struggles faced by teachers, social leaders, and members of the LGBTQ+ community, while more responsible coverage can shed light on the systemic issues these individuals combat daily. By emphasizing the contributions of figures like Eliecer and Deivis, the media can help to foster understanding, reduce prejudice, and generate societal change. Such efforts are vital for creating a safer and more inclusive environment, where those who choose to raise their voices are protected, respected, and celebrated.

References

Caribe Afirmativo. (2023). No se mata lo que no se olvida: Informe sobre la situación de los derechos humanos de personas LGBTIQ+ en Colombia 2022.

Caribe Afirmativo. (2024, March 8). Hallan sin vida a Deivy Junco, consejero de paz en Lorica. https://caribeafirmativo.lgbt/hallan-sin-vida-a-deivy-junco-consejero-de-paz-en-lorica/

Comisión de la Verdad. (n.d.). Afectaciones a la población indígena LGBTIQ+. https://www.comisiondelaverdad.co/afectaciones-la-poblacion-indigena-lgbtiq

Defensoría del Pueblo. (2023). Durante el 2023 en Colombia fueron asesinados 181 líderes sociales y defensores de derechos humanos. https://www.defensoria.gov.co/-/durante-el-2023-en-colombia-fueron-asesinados-181-l%C3%ADderes-sociales-y-defensores-de-derechos-humanos

El Tiempo. (2020, September 9). Fecode responderá judicialmente a acusación de vínculos con las Farc. https://www.eltiempo.com/vida/educacion/fecode-respondera-judicialmente-a-acusacion-de-vinculos-con-las-farc-535990

Fundación Cordobexian (2024) #URGENTE Asesinan al Consejero de Paz: DEIBY JUNCO HERNADEZ en Lorica – Córdoba. [X] https://x.com/cordoberxia/status/1765712299304600045

Fundación Paz y Reconciliación. (2023). Boletín: violencia contra la población LGTBIQ en Colombia. https://www.pares.com.co/post/bolet%C3%ADn-violencia-contra-la-poblaci%C3%B3n-lgtbiq-en-colombia

Guevara C. (2020). La defensa de los líderes sociales está en cuidados intensivos. Razón pública. https://razonpublica.com/la-defensa-los-lideres-sociales-esta-cuidados-intensivos/

Universidad de los Andes. (n.d.). ¿Qué se sabe de los asesinatos de líderes sociales? https://www.uniandes.edu.co/es/noticias/economia-y-negocios/que-se-sabe-de-los-asesinatos-de-lideres-sociales

Universidad UNAB. (2020). El sensacionalismo informativo como fenómeno noticioso asociado a los medios de comunicación contemporáneos. https://unab.edu.co/el-sensacionalismo-informativo-como-fenomeno-noticioso-asociado-a-los-medios-de-comunicacion-contemporaneos/

The Murder of Communal Leaders in the Colombian Caribbean: Dying in Defence of their Communities.

Originally published on Mar 21, 2024.

Communal leaders Miguel Arrieta, Alfonso Medina, Milton Rocha & Jeison Jacome were all murdered during 2023 in Colombia’s Caribbean region.

Article written by Maria Paula Martinez, Wendy Sarmiento & Sharon Sepulveda

Have you ever heard about community action boards or communal leaders? Who are they? What do they do? Why are they so persecuted and threatened in Colombia?

Communal leaders are often members of community action boards and are direct representatives of a community or a neighborhood that defends problems before the JAC (Junta de Acción Comunal or Community Action Board). According to the mayor’s office of Barranquilla (n.d) “The community action board is a civic, social, and community organization of social management, non-profit, solidarity nature, with legal status and its own assets” meaning that although they are representatives and fight for the rights and inequalities for their communities, they are external entities from the government. These leaders play a vital role as they are responsible for bringing the concerns and needs of their community to the attention of local, regional and national authorities. However, this role often puts such leaders in a vulnerable situation, especially in contexts where there are conflicts of interest with both legal and illegal actors. The illegal actors violate the leaders for economic reasons because they feel threatened in relation to the illegal businesses from which they obtain money. Within the context of violence against social leaders in Colombia since the 2016 peace deal with the FARC, communal leaders and members of the JAC have been one of the most affected demographics. This report will present the cases of social leaders belonging to a JAC or who were leaders in their communities or neighborhoods and who were murdered on the Colombian Caribbean coast in recent years.

Violence against social leaders in Colombia is a big problem to solve for the government. Social leaders are fearful of violence or disappearance because of illegal groups in the area where they are working in a specific field. There are a lot of examples of social leaders who have been killed. Milton Rocha Peña is one such example: he was a social leader murdered on February 18th, 2023, in San Sebastian, Magdalena in northern Colombia. The department of Magdalena is no stranger to the systematic murder of social leaders; the Clan del Golfo (formerly known as the Urabeños and now identifying themselves as the Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia, AGC) are present in this area. The location of these six municipalities has strategic importance for three reasons: it is the beginning of the Bajo Magdalena, the point of confluence between Magdalena Medio and the Caribbean coast, and therefore a key point for the illegal economies of drug trafficking and illegal gold trafficking. The complex system of rivers, canals and swamps in this region is ideal for the clandestine transportation of illegal goods. Milton was a leader who defended social and political causes and was also a farmer who helped his community to plant their own food. However, he had also denounced the planting of illegal crops and it appears that those involved in such practices killed him at the door of his house to prevent more knowledge being revealed in relation to these issues. It is important to mention that Milton had already asked for state protection as he was certain that he could be killed, but the aid never arrived. Milton represents just one of the 27 (at the time of writing) social leaders murdered in Magdalena since 2016. Unfortunately, such circumstances, and such cases, are far too common throughout the Caribbean region.

The second case to report on is that of Jeison Jacome, the youngest social leader in this report, who was murdered at the age of just 21. Jeison was president of the community action board of his neighborhood in Pailitas, Cesar. On March 10th, 2023, Jeison was the victim of a failed kidnapping attempt, which left him on the verge of death due to the gunshot wounds he received in the failed attack. Although he was able to reach the hospital, he could not be saved. This case is particularly important because it shows us that even young people who begin to work as social leaders are at risk of being killed and that the dreams of someone as young as Jeison can end up costing their lives for defending his people from injustices and irregularities. Jeison is just one of 28 social leaders to have been murdered in Cesar since November 2016. Another leader targeted in the department, and the third case looked at in this text, was Alfonso Medina. Alfonso was a leader who worked for more than 20 years in Valledupar, the capital of Cesar, and he was president of the community action board of his community. He fought against injustice, animal abuse, drug trafficking and theft of funding for social works. This case is not the exception because like the previous cases he was killed by gunmen in a crime that has yet to be solved. Sadly, after so many years of serving the community and asking for state protection, clearly certain actors felt that their own interests should take precedent over the life of someone who defended his people. The cases of Jeison and Alfonso demonstrate the threats faced by leaders in both rural and urban areas of Cesar. Unfortunately, this is the reality throughout the Caribbean region.

The fourth and final case in this report is that of Miguel Angel Arrieta. Miguel was murdered in Soledad, Atlántico. This social leader was known locally as the “Pibe Soledeño” given his similarities to the former Colombian footballer, Carlos “El Pibe” Valderrama, and he belonged to the political party “Pacto Historico”. Miguel was also a defender of the interests of his community. Arrieta Mendoza was 51 years old and a leader in his community. He was a candidate for the municipal council in the upcoming regional elections, after being endorsed by the Pacto Historico and the Union Patriotica movements. The facts have not yet been clarified but one cannot rule out that Miguel’s political involvement was a factor in his murder. The Pacto Historico is a party that counts certain sectors and interest groups as opponents, while the Unión Patriotica movement has a long history of political persecution against its members. What is known is that Miguel was assassinated in broad daylight when he received 5 gunshots at a business locale. Miguel is one of 15 social leaders to have been murdered in the department of Atlantico since 2016. His murder is another story of how things like this can happen in a big city during the day, showing that in Colombia social leaders are not safe anywhere and that they need security from the state as soon as possible to avoid tragedies like these.

Murders like those mentioned above are sadly far too common. According to Indepaz, there were 127 social leaders murdered in Colombia by the end of September 2023. In 2022 there was a regrettable record of murders of social leaders and human rights defenders, with thehe Ombudsman’s Office recording a total of 215 murders of social leaders and human rights defenders in the national territory during that year, making it the year with the highest number of cases since 2016. A total of 1,542 social leaders were killed between 2016 and October 2023 (Indepaz). In 2016, 133 were killed, in 2017 the figure reached 126, in 2018 the record was 178, in 2019 it was 134. By 2020, the figure rose to 182 and in 2021 it reached 145 fatalities. The departments where the most murders of social leaders occurred were Nariño, Cauca, Putumayo, Chocó, Bolívar and Norte de Santander. The type of leadership that was most affected was that of communal leaders, indigenous leaders, community leaders, peasants or agrarian leaders, Afro-descendants, and trade union activists. These figures coincide with the areas of the country where there is little to no true government and institutional presence and those who exercise control are illegal armed groups and organized crime organizations. This affects not only thousands of families but entire communities that are left without people fighting for their rights; social leaders register people’s concerns; they are their spokesmen and those who dedicate their lives to work for a country where human rights are not universally respected. In many cases these deaths are also due to disputes over their lands and the protection of natural resources that are exploited by illegal groups. In the Caribbean region, there have been 225 (at the time of writing) social leaders murdered since 2016, with Córdoba (68) and Bolívar (39) being the departments most affected. However, when focusing on the figures, it is important to remember that there is a person behind every number. People like Milton, Jeison, Alfonso and Miguel. In addition to a leader murdered, these crimes make victims of their families and their communities.

In conclusion, these cases are a clear example of the situation faced by social leaders. All cases have a correlation; in these cases, they were all community leaders, and they were murdered in the same cruel way. Likewise, several of them had asked the State for protection, which demonstrates that the State must treat these cases rigorously, putting them at the center of the problems that exist. This is highly problematic, and it is the State’s duty to protect the human rights of these social leaders. The State cannot continue allowing mafias, or criminal groups, both urban and rural, to attack these defenders. Finally, the Colombian people must have profound respect for social leaders, because they are exposed to different atrocious circumstances and these leaders have such a positive role in society; that of being defenders of human rights in a context where these are frequently violated. Social leaders are the voice of those who are not heard, and in many regions of the country where the government is simply not present, they are the ones who fight for social change, giving the people of their region confidence, hope, enthusiasm, and commitment. They promote development, defend the environment, demand crop substitution, encourage the effective participation of citizens, work to achieve peace and strengthen the social fabric, fight against illegal economies, and carry out citizen oversight. They are democracy in action, and they are being murdered for it.

References

Juntas de Acción comunal |. (n. d). https://www.barranquilla.gov.co/participacion-ciudadana/juntas-de-accion-comunal

LÍDERES SOCIALES, DEFENSORES DE DD. HH y FIRMANTES DE ACUERDO ASESINADOS EN 2023 – Indepaz. (2023). https://indepaz.org.co/lideres-sociales-defensores-de-dd-hh-y-firmantes-de-acuerdo-asesinados-en-2023/

Iguarán, A. (2023). “Tengo miedo, me pueden matar”: líder campesino días antes de ser asesinado. EL HERALDO. https://www.elheraldo.co/magdalena/magdalena-lider-campesino-asesinado-milton-rocha-pena-habia-alertado-sus-allegados-sobre

Bohórquez, C. (2023). Asesinan al líder social Jeison Jácome en Pailitas, Cesar. EL HERALDO. https://www.elheraldo.co/cesar/asesinan-al-lider-social-jeison-jacome-en-pailitas-cesar-984843

Vesga, L. D. (2023). “Una persona como el Pibe no se consigue más”: Vecinos de Miguel Arrieta. EL HERALDO. https://www.elheraldo.co/judicial/pibe-soledeno-muerto-tiros-y-vecinos-piden-que-caso-no-quede-impune-986491

El Heraldo (2023). Envían a la cárcel a presunto asesino de líder comunal Alfonso Medina. EL HERALDO. https://www.elheraldo.co/cesar/envian-la-carcel-presunto-asesino-de-lider-comunal-alfonso-medina-en-valledupar-997359

Restrepo, M. J., Galvis, M., Restrepo, M. J., & Galvis, M. (2023). Las caras de los 77 líderes sociales asesinados en lo que va de 2023. La Silla Vacía. https://www.lasillavacia.com/silla-nacional/las-caras-de-los-77-lideres-sociales-asesinados-en-lo-que-va-de-2023/

Defensoria del Pueblo, Colombia (2023) El 2022 marcó un lamentable récord de homicidios a líderes sociales y personas defensoras de derechos Humanos.

https://www.defensoria.gov.co/-/el-2022-marc%C3%B3-un-lamentable-r%C3%A9cord-de-homicidios-a-l%C3%ADderes-sociales-y-personas-defensoras-de-derechos-humanos#:~:text=Entre%202016%20y%202022%20fueron,alcanz%C3%B3%20las%20145%20v%C3%ADctimas%20mortales.

Voices Silenced: The Tragic Tales of Social Leaders in Colombia’s Caribbean Region.

Originally published on Feb 28, 2024.

Social leaders Nestor Martinez, Jhon Rueda & Temistocles Beltran were murdered in the Caribbean region throughout 2023.

*Article written by Carla Hernandez, Daniela Lugo & Nicole Mateus.

Colombia is a nation renowned for its breathtaking landscapes and rich cultural diversity, yet an unsettling reality often casts a shadow over its beauty: the perilous situation faced by social leaders. According to the Human Rights Ombudsperson’s Office, more than 1,000 human rights defenders and social leaders have tragically lost their lives since 2016, shedding light on the dire circumstances they confront (Human Rights Watch, 2023). To comprehend the gravity of this issue, one must delve into the alarming statistics. Threats and assassinations targeting these individuals persist relentlessly. In the Caribbean region alone, between 2010 and 2018, a staggering 114 leaders fell victim to violence. This alarming figure encompasses various categories of leaders, with 19% being peasant leaders and 14% holding positions as ethnic authorities (Comisión de la Verdad, 2022). This heart-wrenching toll underscores the widespread nature of the problem, transcending regional borders and emphasizing the urgency of addressing the situation. Furthermore, the situation is further complicated by the involvement of armed groups that threaten the lives of these social leaders who dare to expose their injustices and crimes. These leaders, often driven by an unwavering commitment to their communities, play a vital role in the public sphere as human rights advocates, territorial defenders, and catalysts for change. However, this dedication to progress comes at a grave personal cost, and social leaders like Nestor Martinez, Jhon Rueda, and Temistocles Beltran paid the ultimate price in their perilous struggle for justice and equality in Colombia’s complex social landscape, unfortunately being murdered for their efforts towards making a positive change.

Néstor Enrique Martínez Brito, an official working for the Office of the Ombudsman (Defensoría Del Pueblo) in the La Guajira region, tragically met his demise on the morning of March 15th, 2023. Martínez Brito, a dedicated social leader, had served as Community Ombudsman of the Ombudsman’s Office of La Guajira since 2016. He showed a strong commitment to his responsibilities and became known for his exemplary dedication. Martínez Brito’s work mainly revolved around addressing issues related to displacement and migration. His tenure as Community Defender was marked by his tireless efforts to protect and defend the rights and welfare of the local population. The Platform of Human Rights Defenders, Activists and Social Leaders of the Sierra Nevada has raised the disturbing possibility of the involvement of the “Clan del Golfo”, an illegal armed group in the region, in the murder of Néstor Enrique Martínez Brito. This case highlights the complexity and risk associated with social leadership in contexts where armed actors operate outside the law, underscoring the urgent need to address impunity and ensure the safety of those who work tirelessly to promote rights and justice in these areas. Similarly, in the following paragraph, we will delve into the case of Jhon Fredy Ruedas Rodrigez, another social leader whose life was cut short under violent circumstances.

Jhon Fredy Rueda Rodriguez was a Colombian social leader who lived in Sincelejo where he was recognized for his social work as a Human Rights defender. Jhon Fredy worked as part of the Veeduria ciudadana por la Movilidad de Colombia (VEEMCOL) which works as an operational and administrative surveillance system for traffic institutes and ministries. Jhon Fredy was also acting as a social leader for those living in a land invasion (a process whereby people build homes on unused plots of land without formal permission) named Quintas de Belen located between two neighborhoods, Bitar and Pablo Sexto, a territory where he was leading the land invasion process by protecting the human rights of these communities and denouncing criminal acts within these groups. Quintas de Belen was the territory where his family and the community had to occupy illegally since they had no place to live due to the lack of opportunities they had to deal with, especially because of the pandemic and the economic crisis. Many of these inhabitants have lost their jobs and with them their income to pay rents, which has caused them to settle illegally in these territories. This social leader’s killing is still under investigation by local authorities, but some alternative sources have stood up for the case, such as the Instituto de estudios para el desarrollo y la paz Indepaz (Indepaz) which is a nongovernmental organization that works as a Human Rights Observatory with its main purpose being to generate development and peace in a post conflict context. Indepaz has attributed responsibility in this case to the armed group that has been making threats against organizations of this region; the Clan del Golfo is the main suspect since it is the most active and powerful criminal group in the area. Even though local authorities continue to investigate the homicide, many organizations and social leaders are calling for their safety to be guaranteed, since this is not the first case that has taken place in this region and threats increase daily. To keep exploring the Caribbean social leader’s problematic situation, in the next section we will move on to the department of Cesar, and the case of Temistocles Beltran, who worked promoting justice and human rights.

Another tragic and deeply troubling illustration of the dangerous conditions that social leaders and human rights defenders often face in Colombia is the case of Temistocles Beltrán. Temistocles was a prominent figure known for his dedicated work with victims and peasants in the municipality of El Copey. His commitment to advocating for the rights and well-being of marginalized communities made him a respected social leader in the region. Tragically, Beltran was brutally murdered in a rural area on the night of June 19th 2023. This assassination followed weeks of threats and intimidation directed towards Temistocles by the criminal group known as the Clan del Golfo, implicating them as the likely culprits behind his murder. The context in which this tragedy occurred is particularly grim, as the south of the department has seen a rise in kidnapping and homicides, which have become primary sources of funding for illegal groups. Temistocles Beltrán was not only a social leader but also a human rights defender and aspired to become a councilman for the municipality of El Copey. His dedication to improving the lives of rural communities was evident through his relentless pursuit of projects and solutions to address their needs. The situation in El Copey has prompted the Ombudsman’s Office to issue early alerts due to the direct confrontations between criminal gangs and rival micro-trafficking networks. These conflicts involve criminal structures associated with the AGC and the Autodefensas Conquistadoras de la Sierra Nevada (ACSN), also known as ‘Los Pachenca,’ further highlighting the perilous conditions in the area. The threats and violence against human rights defenders in the Caribbean Region underscore the urgency of addressing the security challenges faced by those advocating for justice and equality in Colombia. The tragic fate of Temistocles Beltrán mirrors a disturbing pattern of violence against social leaders and human rights defenders in Colombia, setting the stage for an analysis of the striking similarities between the cases previously outlined of social leaders of the Caribbean region.

The three cases presented above correspond to only a small part of the total number of assassinations of social leaders since the signing of the peace agreement with the FARC guerrilla group in November 2016. In the national context, the Institute for Development and Peace Studies (INDEPAZ) reported a concerning statistic for 2023, stating that 188 social leaders were brutally assassinated across the country. This grim figure underscores the ongoing challenges and threats faced by leaders who are working to advocate for human rights and justice (INDEPAZ, 2023). Turning our attention to the regional panorama, the Caribbean region, while not having the highest number of social leader victims, has seen a significant impact. Of the 188 cases of murdered social leaders throughout Colombia durinng 2023, 34 of these tragic homicides occurred in the Caribbean departments. To understand these distressing events, it’s imperative to delve into the historical context of the armed conflict in Colombia. Despite efforts to reduce regional conflicts and violence, the Caribbean region continues to grapple with the enduring presence of illegal armed groups and their connections to illicit economies.

According to the Truth Commission (2022), despite efforts to reduce regional conflicts and violence, various factors of violence associated with illicit economies and illegal armed groups continue to persist, affecting the territories and communities in the Caribbean region. During the worst years of the armed conflict, these areas were under the control of paramilitary groups that terrorized the population with violent measures to gain respect and subordination from the civilians. One of the most common ways in which these illegal groups operated were under “land dispossession and extortion, selective assassinations and massacres” (OMC, 2022, p.8), including confrontations with the FARC and EPL guerrillas over control of land and drug trade. The most terrible consequence of these violent acts was that many people were victims of forces displacement losing their territory so they could save their life. Fast forward to nowadays, this is evident in the presence of armed groups in the areas where social leaders Néstor Enrique Martínez Brito (La Guajira), Jhon Fredy Rueda Rodriguez (Sincelejo), and Temistocles Beltrán (El Copey) were tragically murdered. What these cases have in common is their connection to the threat posed by local armed groups such as the Clan del Golfo (AGC) and the ACSN, which “coincidentally” targeted these leaders. These leaders were not only defending human rights but also actively seeking solutions to return or allocate land to victims and affected individuals in the region.

It is crucial to acknowledge that these armed groups continue to exert control over parts of the territory because they are driven by illicit economic pursuits, such as coca cultivation. In pursuit of these activities, they target communities, and in this case, social leaders who defend the land and expose their negligence (Truth Commission, 2022). The historical impact of the armed conflict and the lingering influence of paramilitary groups, even years after the demobilization process, are key factors shaping the current context in these areas, particularly in Sucre and Cesar, where the intertwining of violence, politics, and illicit economies remains significant. Additionally, the similarity in the targeting of these three victims underscores the ongoing challenges faced by social leaders who advocate for justice, human rights, and land reform in the region.

In conclusion, the cases of Néstor Enrique Martínez Brito, Jhon Fredy Rueda Rodriguez, and Temistocles Beltrán present a distressing pattern of violence against social leaders and human rights defenders in the Caribbean region of Colombia. These individuals, committed to safeguarding the rights and well-being of marginalized communities, faced threats, intimidation, and ultimately, violent deaths. The common thread linking these cases is the ominous presence of the criminal group known as the Clan del Golfo (AGC), illustrating the perilous conditions in which social leaders operate. The urgent need to address impunity and ensure the safety of those advocating for justice and equality in these areas cannot be overstated. As the investigations continue, the broader context of armed groups operating outside the law further emphasizes the complexity and risks associated with social leadership in these regions. The international community must also pay careful attention to these cases, supporting efforts to bring perpetrators to justice and working collaboratively to create a safer environment for those who dedicate their lives to promoting human rights in Colombia. The tragic fate of Nestor Enrique Martínez Brito, Jhon Fredy Rueda Rodriguez, and Temistocles Beltrán serves as a stark reminder of the challenges faced by social leaders, urging authorities and society at large to address the root causes of violence and insecurity that persist in these vulnerable communities.

References

Human Rights Watch (2023). Informe Mundial 2023: Tendencias de derechos en Colombia. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2023/country-chapters/colombia

Comisión de la Verdad (2022). FOCUS ON CARIBE. Colombia Adentro, Relatos territoriales sobre el conflicto armado en CARIIBE. Comisión de la Verdad. https://www.comisiondelaverdad.co/colombia-adentro-1

INDEPAZ (2023). Violencia en Colombia: Informe anual 2023. INDEPAZ. https://indepaz.org.co/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/INFORME-FINAL-2023.pdf

Observatorio y Memoria del Conflicto (2022). Boletín Estadístico de Eventos de Violencia Durante el Conflicto Armado Interno N. 3 Nacional. Centro Nacional de Memoria Historica. https://micrositios.centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/observatorio/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/Boleti%CC%81n-Colombia-Completo.pdf. ( p.8)

Barrios, F (2023). Asesinan a líder social en Sincelejo que denunciaba invasión de tierras. El tiempo. https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/otras-ciudades/asesinan-a-lider-social-en-sincelejo-767863

Caracol Radio (2023). Asesinan a líder social de El Copey, Cesar en su finca. Caracol Radio. https://caracol.com.co/2023/06/22/asesinan-a-lider-social-de-el-copey-cesar-en-su-finca/#:~:text=Beltr%C3%A1n%20era%20reconocido%20por%20su,conocer%20en%20las%20%C3%BAltimas%20horas.

Semana (2023). Capturan en Cesar a dos hombres que llevaban camuflados con mensajes alusivos a disidencias; se les acusa de varios delitos. Semana. https://www.semana.com/nacion/valledupar/articulo/capturan-en-cesar-a-dos-hombres-que-llevaban-camuflados-con-mensajes-alusivos-a-disidencias-se-les-acusa-de-varios-delitos/202349//

El Heraldo (2023). Asesinan a líder social del campesinado en El Copey, Cesar. El Heraldo. https://www.elheraldo.co/cesar/cesar-asesinan-lider-social-del-campesinado-en-el-copey-10101855

Yobani Carranza worked to defend the environment for his local community: it seems this work cost him his life.

Murdered local leader Yobani Carranza Castillo had worked on behalf of his community in Cesar to protect the La Mula river.

In Colombia, citizens who practice democracy and fight to assert the rights of their community are stigmatized and persecuted in such a way that the consequences they tend to have is death. This is the case of social leaders in our country. These leaders are a fundamental pillar within the most marginalized communities and regions of our country, where the state presence is almost null and where the presence of dissidents and groups outside the law prevails. Although in 2016 a peace agreement was signed, it cannot be said that Colombia has lived a period of stable peace, because the threats and persecutions to these leaders have not stopped and have continued to perpetuate in such a way that the rates continue to increase (Indepaz). The hard work of these leaders has been so essential in order to represent and help their communities, that at the same time they have become a threat to these groups, and therefore under the shadow of these dissidents and illegal groups are the aggressions and assassinations of these leaders. Based on this, it is appropriate to address the case of Yobani Carranza, a 45 year old environmental leader in the village of Rincón Hondo (Cesar) who was murdered for his work for the benefit of the community; as of the time of writing, his case remains inconclusive and without clear explanations.

Yobani Carranza had taken up several leadership roles in his community. In the years leading up to his death, these roles had related to local environmental issues. Yobani became the defender of the La Mula river, which was being exploited by multiple companies dedicated to the extraction of materials. In his struggle to prevent them from destroying this river, which is a provider for the inhabitants of the town and is also a tourist attraction in the region, the problems for this leader were unleashed. His tireless work for the community and for the well-being of the river made Yobani become an indispensable figure in the village, which led the inhabitants to turn to him when there were problems related to public services or other problems in the community. In this way, Yobani, who had already been involved in mining works within La Loma and La Jagua de Ibirico, had made his way to enter politics. Belonging to the Liberal Party and later to Cambio Radical, Yobani had been able to reach the municipal council. All of his initiative and plans ended when the crime against Yobani took place on January 27 2021 in the 12 de Octubre neighborhood in Chiriguana, south of Valledupar (the capital city in the Caribbean department of Cesar). The leader was sitting on the terrace of a mechanical workshop, waiting for his vehicle to be fixed when he was approached by hitmen on a motorcycle; one of the assassins got off the motorcycle and shot him several times before escaping without being identified. Criminalistic units and police arrived at the crime scene to inspect the body and clarify the facts yet little has been established as of the time of writing (Semana). Unfortunately, this seems to be the norm with crimes against social leaders. For this reason, it is necessary to look at the local context and other cases which have occurred there in order to better understand the situation.

To continue with the study of this case, it is important to analyze what similarities this case has with different cases where social leaders have been assassinated in the region. As was previously stated, in the way in which Yobani Carranza was assassinated, we can realize the latent and repetitive pattern that is demonstrated in cases of violence against leaders, and this is the hired assassination. This modality is the principal method to end the life of the leader, where two people on a motorcycle travel to the site and shoot the person before fleeing. It is here where we can compare Yobani’s case with that of Luis Carlos Hernandez, a social leader who was murdered under the same modality and following the patterns of Yobani’s murder. What is most related between these two cases is that in the first place both crimes happened in Cesar, where the presence of the state is weak and where illegal groups prevail. Secondly, both had been involved in politics, one being a former councilman and the other a former candidate to the council. Thirdly, both were the friendly face of their community at the time of watching over the interests and needs of the population. In the case of Yobani for his work in defense of the community and its river, and in the case of Luis Carlos for being a member and representative of the departmental board of victims’ participation. Part of his responsibilities involved being the person in charge of supporting victims who had been forcibly displaced as a result of the armed conflict in Colombia. Luis Carlos provided them with the necessary tools for fair attention, reparation, and guarantee of non-repetition of the abuses committed by the armed groups (La Libertad Sublime). This shows us that although the context of the cases is different, the similarities between them are palpable, without leaving aside the fact that these similarities can be found in many cases of assassinations of social leaders across our country. It is these similarities and parallels that allow people to refer to this wave of killings as systematic violence against leaders. What is evident is that each killing leaves a family distraught and a community without necessary representation. The murder of Yobani Carranza left a void in his community, just as the murder of Luis Carlos removed a vital representative of his community. Yobani had been recognized locally and was heralded as “the defender of the river”. Having seen him brutally murdered, others in the community are likely to be hesitant when it comes to protecting the river. In addition to this, this leader also helped the community by transporting passengers between Chiriguaná and nearby towns. Although he was paid for this informal work, it was of great help to the community, since transportation services in this region are limited, just one more indication of the state absence that reigns in so many corners of Colombia. This state absence means that leaders like Yobani and Luis Carlos are necessary to ensure the interests of these communities are represented. Unfortunately, this same state absence allows illegal groups free reign in many parts of the country and when leaders are murdered, impunity also reigns.

In looking at this case, like so many others, one thinks about the most important question; why has this case still not been solved? This is something that anyone who reads about the events regarding Yobani and indeed any social leader in Colombia who has been murdered must ask themselves. The question is that even though a lot of time has passed since the event, the authorities have not yet given a conclusive answer and it is clear that this murder can be attributed to the armed groups in the region and perhaps even to the companies that exploited the La Mula river. Yet without a serious clarification from the authorities, no definitive conclusions can be drawn. The lack of state presence in the region is also an important factor as to why this case is still unfinished, because the marginalized regions affected by the armed conflict have not been a priority in the government plans that have been implemented in Colombia. In spite of this, we must recognize the difficulty of identifying the perpetrators of this crime. Since the modality of hired assassination is the one that prevails in these cases, it is often difficult to establish who has ordered the killing. Nevertheless, this should not be a valid excuse to let what happened pass and just file the case of Yobani and all the murdered leaders in the country. Such indifference is another factor in the impunity which surrounds these cases.

In conclusion, it is pivotal to express the disappointment felt when we see the precariousness of our past and current governments. We cannot ignore the hard work that Yobani did in his community as the voice that represented the needs and challenges with which the inhabitants of this township lived and surely continue to live. It is not enough for the government to express to Colombians its concern for the current situation of leaders in general. If they turn a deaf ear when it comes to taking action on this problem and do not give these leaders participation in the solution of problems, it will not do any good. The life of social leaders will always be in danger if the necessary measures are not taken in cases where those threatened request protection from the nation. Such protection sometimes arrives too late, and in other cases, it does not arrive at all. Finally, with this case, it is notorious how social work and actions towards the protection of the environment and nature come into conflict with other interests, especially in these regions where state neglect is so evident. Within these same regions there is no dialogue on the criticism, support, or rejection of large-scale commercial projects to be carried out within the community, and often, it is through armed violence that a “definitive solution” to these problems is given. Therefore if the situation does not change radically, the plight of social leaders in Colombia will never end.

*Article written by Lucia Barrera with assistance from Jhon Obregon.

References

Barrios, M. (2021, January 28). A bala asesinan a exconcejal de Chiriguaná en Valledupar. El Heraldo. https://www.elheraldo.co/cesar/bala-asesinan-exconcejal-de-chiriguana-en-valledupar-790539

lalibertadsublime, & Lalibertadsublime, V. A. P. (2020, May 8). Slain leaders like Luis Carlos Hernández represent the visible face of our sad reality. Home.Blog. https://lalibertadsublime.home.blog/2020/05/08/slain-leaders-like-luis-carlos-hernandez-represent-the-visible-face-of-our-sad-reality/

Observatorio de Derechos Humanos y conflictividades – Indepaz. (n.d.). Org.Co. Retrieved October 21, 2021, from http://www.indepaz.org.co/observatorio-de-derechos-humanos-y-conflictividades/

Rincón, R. (n.d.). Líderes sociales víctimas de la violencia en Colombia. Consejoderedaccion.Org. Retrieved October 21, 2021, from https://consejoderedaccion.org/noticias/lideres-victimas-de-la-violencia

Semana. (2021, August 17). Informe Especial. Semana.com. https://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/informe-especial-la-aterradora-tragedia-de-los-asesinatos-a-lideres-ambientales-en-colombia/202100/

Slain leaders like Luis Carlos Hernández represent the visible face of our sad reality

Colombia is undoubtedly one of the most beautiful countries in the world, as it has a natural wealth that is home to an incredible biological diversity and a majestic culture. Its population is characterized by being kind, loving and attentive. Colombia was considered in 2017 by the World Happiness Report as one of the countries with the highest happiness indexes, occupying the second place. Likewise, it was selected by Lonely Planet, which is one of the largest publishers of travel guides in the world, as one of the ten best destinations to visit in 2017. In spite of all these positive characteristics, Colombia has a very negative side because it continues to have the shadow of violence and conflict. This is reflected in the fact that the national territory has become a dangerous place to develop certain types of work, particularly related to social leaders working in defense of human rights. According to the UN; a human rights defender is one who is recognized by his or her community for conducting, coordinating or supporting processes of a collective nature that impact their communities in a positive way in order to dignify the living conditions of the members of those groups (OHCHR, 2020).

Social leaders who watch over the fulfillment of human rights, promote development, defend the environment, fight against illegal economies, and promote citizen participation among other actions, have been victims of assassinations throughout Colombian history, but this work has become more dangerous than ever in recent years. According to INDEPAZ; a Colombian institute specialized in conflict, development and peace, at least 850 social leaders have been killed between 2016 and 2019. This number continues to increase and the absence of the Colombian State persists in many places of the country. Furthemore, this situation includes the fact that the work of social leaders is so frequently stigmatized and not given the attention it deserves. The scourge of violence against social leaders has greatly affected the Colombian Caribbean coast, including the department of Cesar. This department not only struggles with the presence of armed groups, illicit crops, corruption and poverty but also has to deal with the multiple murders of human right defenders who just want to change the internal dynamics of the department. One of these murdered leaders from Cesar is Luis Carlos Hernández Santiago, who worked with the victims of the armed conflict, led several land restitution projects and was recognized for his community work. He was killed on December 12, 2019 and unfortunately the crime remains unpunished.

The goal of this article is to demonstrate the dynamics and context that the country faces in relation to the situation of social leaders. To achieve this, the particular story of social leader Luis Carlos Hernández Santiago will be communicated and analyzed. All this will hopefully help to represent how Colombian territory is still a victim of conflict, violence and a lack of respect for the right to life with the objective being to raise awareness in society and try to make a small contribution to improving the situation.

Luis Carlos Hernández Santiago was a social leader from the municipality of Curumaní, in the center of the department of Cesar. Luis Carlos was 42 years old and was an active member and also a representative of the departmental board of victims participation. Luis was in charge of supporting displaced victims of the Colombian armed conflict, providing them the necessary tools for reparation, attention and non-repetition of all atrocities committed by armed groups. According to Victor Hugo Mosquera, director of the Cesar victims unit, Luis Carlos was a leader, collaborator and defender of the members of the departmental board (Diario del Cesar, 2019). In addition, he was candidate for the municipal council of Curumaní in the 2019 elections and was leading several land restitution projects. He was also coordinating issues related to the substitution of illicit crops in the context of the implementation of the peace agreement in the region. This last project consisted of giving special treatment to those on the lowest of the drug trafficking chain, the coca growers, by promoting the voluntary substitution of illicit crops in order to transform the department of Cesar. Likewise, Luis Carlos supported projects related to the call for strengthening the presence of the state in Cesar.

One of the biggest projects Luis Carlos Hernandez was involved in was linked to the improvement of the lives of people who suffered violence in that territory, by offering assistance via legal avenues. On the other hand, he was developing a diverse plan of action to change the quality of life for victims of the conflict which consisted of access to educational services so that these people could acquire new work skills. Luis Carlos had the desire to contribute to his community and help turn his region into a more dignified territory because he had also been a victim of violence many years ago. His younger brother was brutally murdered during a confrontation of illegal groups in Cesar. As can be seen, Luis Carlos was doing a great job in his community, a situation that put him at risk as his work represented an obstacle for the interests of various illegal sectors in the region.

According to the newspaper El Heraldo, on Thursday, December 12 2019, Luis Carlos Hernández left his home in the municipality of Curumaní and went to the village of Los Ranchos in the sector of the Serranía del Perijá. Luis Carlos was attending a meeting which had been scheduled by telephone and he was accompanied by his brother -in- law. Shortly after arriving at the village, they were intercepted by some armed subjects who were all dressed in black and who shot at them. Luis Carlos died immediately, while the person accompanying him was wounded in the neck and managed to go to the hospital and tell the authorities what had happened. The body of Luis Carlos was removed the next day when the police and the army arrived, as this area is difficult to access based on its topography and given the risk due to the presence of armed groups. A report from the departmental Ombudsman’s office stated that Luis Carlos had received death threats, but that he had refused police protection and that he had rejected these preventive measures (Caracol News, 2019). Nevertheless, representatives from the municipal town rejected these statements and pointed out that Luis Carlos had been requesting guarantees of protection from the Ombudsman’s Office in Valledupar, but that the security scheme had never been put into effect and that the only thing he had been given was instructions not to mobilize in some sectors.

For its part, the municipal authorities of Curumaní offered in December 2019, a reward of 15 million Colombian pesos to clarify the causes of the murder of the social leader and identify the perpetrators of this crime (RPT news, 2019). Likewise, the community of the municipality of Curumaní held a peaceful protest in December, with the hope that this type of situation would not be repeated. Today, almost six months later, the crime is still unpunished and the situation in the department of Cesar remains unchanged. To understand as deeply as possible the causes of the death of Luis Carlos Hernández Santiago, it is very important and necessary to refer to the context, the characteristics and the dynamics presented in the department of Cesar and in many other territories throughout the country.

Cesar is located in the northwest of Colombia and is one of the thirty-two departments that make up the country. It borders La Guajira and Magdalena to the north; Bolívar, Santander and Norte de Santander to the south; and Norte de Santander and Venezuela to the east. Geographically, it is divided into six zones: the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, the Serranía de Perijá, the Complejo cenagoso de Zapatosa, the Valle del río del César, the Valle del río Ariguaní and the Valle del Magdalena (Governación de César, n.d.). Regarding the economic and social development of the department, the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE) presented a report in which multidimensional poverty is calculated by municipalities based on the information of the National Population and Housing Census (CNPV) of 2018. This report showed that 25 of the municipalities of the department of Cesar exceed the national average of multidimensional poverty of 2018, which was 19,6%, and in some cases, even doubling it (El Pilón, 2020).

Historically, the department of Cesar has been immersed in a climate of violence generated by the presence of illegal groups such as the FARC, ELN, EPL, AGC, and paramilitaries, as well as drug traffickers and the so-called “BACRIM” (criminal gangs formed by former paramilitaries). Likewise, according to a publication by the Silla Vacía (2018), Luis Fernando Trejos, a political scientist from the region, states that the Northeastern War Front (ELN guerrilla group) continues to operate in the south of the department, concentrating specifically on municipalities where there are hectares of coca such as Aguachica, Curumaní, Gamarra, La Gloria and Pelaya. In accordance with this, local authorities point out that Curumani, a municipality located near to the Serranía del Perijá and where the murder of Luis Carlos took place, is considered as a high-risk sector due to the presence of these groups. This corresponds to a number of factors that encourage atrocious crimes against social leaders. In this sense, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (2020) points out that:

Of the 108 killings documented by OHCHR, 75 per cent occurred in rural areas; 86 per cent in municipalities with a multidimensional poverty index above the national average; 91 per cent in municipalities where the homicide rate indicates the existence of endemic violence; and 98 per cent in municipalities with the presence of illicit economies and ELN, other violent groups and criminal groups.

In this vein, Luis Carlos Hernández sought to address this situation and generate positive change in his municipality by coordinating projects related to illicit crop substitution in the context of the post-agreement.

In addition to these factors, there is corruption, clientelism and the lack of institutional presence in the department. In the particular case of corruption, OHCHR (2020) received information about possible cases involving members of the police and army in Amazonas, Antioquia, Caquetá, Chocó, Cauca, Cesar, La Guajira, Magdalena, Nariño, Huila, Putumayo and Valle del Cauca. In addition, OHCHR notes that these situations may affect the effectiveness of measures taken against the ELN, criminal groups and other violent groups. In that sense, when one takes into consideration the possible involvement of members of the police and army in illegal practices, the vulnerability of leaders like Luis Carlos becomes even more evident.

Unfortunately the context which condemned Luis Carlos is reflected in several parts of the region and the country. Cesar is not the only department that has been affected by the murder of social leaders. In other departments, that is to say, in different geographical contexts, there are similar cases of murders of social leaders who were working on similar projects.

There are other cases that share similar characteristics to that of Luis Carlos Hernandez. For example there is the case of Hernán Antonio Bermúdez Arévalo, a social leader born in Riohacha (in the department of La Guajira), who was murdered in 2019 at the age of 56 by two men on a bike. Hernan Bermudez, just like Luis Carlos Hernandez, led the process of restitution of land to groups of peasants, and he also was a member of the Community Council of Afro-descendants. Elsewhere, there is also the case of Jorge Luis Betancourt, a 42-year-old social leader from Montelíbano, Córdoba. He was carrying out a land restitution project in Montelíbano and he was killed by men who shot him in his house. Jorge also worked as a peasant leader and was the president of the Community Action Board in the village of San Francisco del Rayo. Finally, it is important to mention the case of Luis Darío Rodríguez Narvaez, a farmer and fisherman. He was murdered in January 2020 by unknown men on a motorcycle. That murder represented the 39th case of deaths of social leaders in the department of Córdoba since 2016. Luis Darío belonged to the Unión de Familias Desplazadas y Vulnerables de Tierralta (Union of Displaced and Vulnerable Families of Tierralta) and had previously denounced the threats against his life, after becoming involved in the process of restitution of land to displaced people.

In this sense, it can be observed that although the contexts are different and these leaders are not part of the same geographical areas, they are still similar cases, where the common denominator is the work related to land restitution. And this, is no coincidence, according to the Foundation “Forging Futures” cited in El Espectador (2019), a report determined that “the departments with the greatest aggressions against human rights defenders are also the regions where there is “minimal progress” in land restitution”. Therefore, it can be said that in these cases, the practices and actions of violence are focused on people fighting for the processes of land restitution and construction. In addition, with regard to the spatial issue, there is also a correlation between violations of the right to life and voting in the 2016 Plebiscite for Peace. According to a study by CCJ, I., & Cinep, U. N. (2018) there is a “correlation between municipalities that voted YES and critical municipalities in terms of violations of the right to life”. Such is the case of Riohacha, Curumaní, Montelibano, and Tierralta with 62.55%, 59.21%, 58.17%, and 69.76% respectively in favor of the YES vote. It is important to highlight that land restitution is linked to the peace process. Although in these cases it has not been determined where the order to kill these leaders has come from and that they may be different actors in each case, the message is the same: the restitution of land is being resisted by powerful interest groups.

All of this, is affected by another critical point to understand: the fact that the Colombian State, due to a lack of political will or capacity, has not fully complied with its commitment to guarantee security and the exercise of human rights with the people in these areas.

Finally, much more importance and attention needs to be given to this type of work because it is necessary in the current situation that our country is experiencing, given that the number of deaths of social leaders is increasing daily and we do not have a positive response from the government to control this situation. In order to improve the current panorama and change it definitively, it is important that the Colombian government has a real interest in addressing this problem, to find effective and radical solutions to eliminate the systematic violation of human rights in the country. Instead of stigmatizing them, it is necessary to recognize the importance of the positive work of social leaders in those communities where the State does not have a presence, and to ensure that carrying out their work does not constitute a serious danger to their own lives. These types of atrocities highlight that there is still a power vacuum in these rural areas and the lack of state control in these forgotten territories is still evident. With that in mind, it is imperative to make visible a problem that affects the most vulnerable and marginalized sectors of society, and once again shows the massive violation of human rights that exists in Colombia under different practices. It is vitally important to keep this type of case in the lens and give it the importance it deserves. It is a way of denouncing this type of violation that generates so much damage, and in the same way it serves to show Colombian society the hard situation of violence that is lived in the bowels of the country. Until the national government takes action and takes into account everything that is happening in the country, the murders will continue to occur more and more, and democratic participation will remain only an ideal rather than a reality for many within Colombia.

*Article written by Luis Porras, Sofia Martinez, Nayelis Melendez & Yuliana Martinez

Bibliography

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